XXX. CHAPTER XXX. WAR OF THE REVOLUTION-CONTINUED. The Question of Independence; Influences in favor of.-The Tories.-- CHAP. THE alienation between the colonies and the mother country began at the close of the French war. It was not the 1776. result of any one cause, but of many; the change of feeling was not instantaneous, but gradual. As the struggle took a more decided form, many, who were determined in their resistance to oppression, were unwilling to cast off their allegiance to the land to which their fathers still gave the endearing name of "home." There were, however, among the true Sons of Liberty a few who had seen the end from the beginning. Such men as Samuel Adams and Patrick Henry foresaw the haughty obstinacy of the British ministry, and foretold the result. Independent we are and independent we will be," said Adams; and Henry exclaimed, in the Virginia Assembly: "We must fight! An appeal to arms and the God of Hosts is all that is left us !" What had long been felt by the few, now flashed upon THE QUESTION OF INDEPENDENCE. 365 XXX. the minds of the many, that they could never enjoy their CHAP rights but as a self-governing nation. Would the oppressions of the home government justify separation, which 1776 would involve all the horrors of a protracted and doubtful war? This question became the subject of discussion in the Provincial Assemblies, and among the people themselves. It was not arbitrary and unjust laws alone, nor the refusal of political rights, that had estranged the American people. Religious views had their influence in moulding public sentiment in favor of independence. Long-continued and persistent efforts to establish the Episcopal church in New England, had roused the latent hostility of the Congregationalists-they would not submit to English control in matters of religion. The Presbyterians of the middle and southern colonies, derived, as they were, from the dissenting Scottish church, had a traditionary feeling of opposition to the same influence. Both pastors and people were stanch Whigs, and went hand in hand with the ministers and people of New England. Even in Virginia, where the Episcopal church was established by law, and where the majority of the people were its advocates, the attempt to place over them a bishop was denounced by the House of Burgesses as a "pernicious project." Though strenuous churchmen, they were jealous of external influences, and repudiated the control of the mother church. On the contrary, the Episcopal clergy, great numbers of whom were Englishmen by birth, from their associations were inclined to favor the royal authority. Nor should we judge them harshly; they acted in accordance with their views of the intimate connection of church and state. These views influenced the members of that church more in the northern than in the southern colonies, and great numbers of them faithfully adhered to the "Lord's anointed," as they termed the king. The peace-loving Quakers, numerous in Pennsylvania, XXX. CHAP. New Jersey, and Delaware, opposed war as wrong in itself. The Moravians held similar views. These grieved over 1776. the violation of their rights, yet they hoped by pacific measures to obtain justice. There were others who, though not opposed to war, believed it to be wrong to rise in opposition to the rule of the mother country. There were also the timid, who deemed it madness to resist a power so colossal. There were the low and grovelling, who sought only an opportunity to plunder; the time-serving and the avaricious, who, for the gain they might acquire as contractors for the British army, or by furnishing provisions for prisoners, joined the enemies of their country. The evacuation of Boston strengthened the already strong feeling in favor of independence so prevalent in New England. In the South, the recent risings of the Tories in North Carolina, the ravages of Dunmore in Virginia, and the attack upon Charleston, served still more to alienate the affections of the people; while their success in repelling the invasion gave them assurance. For many reasons they wished to be independent. Then they could form treaties with other nations, and the brand of rebel, so repugnant to an honorable mind, would be removed. In truth, Congress had already taken the ground of an independent government by offering free trade to other nations, in all merchandise except that of British manufacture, and slaves,—the latter traffic they had pro-hibited some months before. About the first of the year, a pamphlet was issued in Philadelphia, under the title of "Common Sense," which had a great influence upon the public mind. Its author, Thomas Paine, an Englishman, had been in the country but a few months. In a style adapted to convince the popular mind, he exposed the folly of delaying any longer a formal separation from the mother country. The pamphlet had a very great circulation, and a proportionate THE COMMITTEE. 367 XXX. influence in deciding the timid and wavering in favor of CHAP. independence. On the seventh of June, Richard Henry Lee introduced a resolution into Congress, declaring, "That the United Colonies are and ought to be free and independent States, and that their political connection with Great Britain is and ought to be dissolved." Upon this resolution sprang up an animated discussion. It was opposed, principally, on the ground that it was premature. Some of the best and strongest advocates of colonial rights spoke and voted against the motion, which passed only by a bare majority of seven States to six. Some of the delegates had not received instructions from their constituents. on the subject, and others were instructed to vote against it. Its consideration was prudently deferred until there was a prospect of greater unanimity. Accordingly on the eleventh a committee, consisting of Doctor Franklin, John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, Roger Sherman, of Connecticut, and Robert R. Livingston, of New York, was appointed to prepare a Declaration. To give opportunity for union of opinion, the consideration of the subject was postponed to the first of July. At the same time two other committees were appointed; one to draw up a plan for uniting all the colonies, the other to devise measures to form foreign alliances. 1776. On the twenty-eighth the committee reported the dec- June, laration to the house. It was drawn by Jefferson, and contained a gracefully written summary of the sentiments of the people and Congress. After a few verbal alterations suggested by Adams and Franklin, it was approved by the committee. The house, however, struck out a few passages. One of these reflected severely upon the British government; another denounced the slave-trade; another censured the king for his attempts to prevent, by the refusal of his signature, the enactment of laws designed to CHAP. prohibit that traffic. They were unwilling to offend the XXX. friends of the colonies in Britain, and feared lest these 1776. strong expressions might prevent the declaration from receiving a unanimous vote. The vote was taken by States; the delegates were not unanimous, but there were a sufficient number to give the vote of all the colonies, New York alone excepted, which was given in a few days. The announcement was delayed till the declaration should receive a few amendments, and then, on July the fourth, it was formally adopted, and the thirteen colonies became THE THIRTEEN UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. July 4. The bell of the State House, in which Congress held its sessions, has upon it the inscription: "Proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof "-words taken from the Bible. Congress sat with closed doors, but it was known far and wide, that the subject of independence was under discussion. Crowds assembled outside the Hall, and waited anxiously to learn the result. At mid-day the appointed signal was given. The bell was struck, and to its tones responded the joyous shouts of multitudes. The friends of liberty and independence breathed more freely; the declaration was made; the hesitancy of indecision was over, and the spirit of determination arose. It was published ; it was read to the army; the soldiers received it with shouts of exultation and pledges to defend its principles; it was announced in the papers; from the pulpits, and everywhere the Whigs hailed it with joy. Hopes of reconciliation, which had so much paralyzed measures of defence, were at an end; there was now no neutral ground. The timid though honest friends of their country, who had so long hesitated, generally sided with liberty. The Tories were in a sad condition; the great majority of them were wealthy, and had hoped that the difficulties would yet be arranged. Laws passed by the new State authorities had rendered them liable to fines and imprisonments, and their |