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who had suffered a loss of property in their adherence to the Stamp Act; but they refused to carry into execution the act of Parliament for quartering his majesty's troops upon them, on account of a clause which they declared involved the principle of taxation.

before the Assembly of Massachusetts, by Governor Bernard, a man of morose haughty temper, and specially out of place just at this juncture in Massachusetts. Mr. Grahame characterizes his course towards the Assembly, as insolent and overbearing; the Assembly, of course, could not submit to anything of The exultation in America over the the kind. The language of Bernard's repeal of the Stamp Act soon subsided. communication in regard to the voting Men began to scan more narrowly the money to the sufferers by the late dis- meaning of that fatal clause declaring turbances was: "The justice and hu- the absolute power of Parliament over manity of this requisition is so forcible, the colonies, and they began to rememthat it cannot be controverted; the ber afresh the causes of grievance authority with which it is introduced which had led to the late disturbances. should preclude all disputation about Heretofore they had not been called it." In reply to language of this kind, upon to take united action in any great the House observed, "That it was con- matter in which the interests of each and ceived in much higher and stronger every colony were concerned: previous terms in the speech than in the letter to this date, there had been no wideof the secretary. Whether in thus spread agitation on topics of common exceeding, your excellency speaks by importance to all; and the fires of popyour own authority, or a higher, is not ular eloquence had not been kindled with us to determine. However, if this and fanned into a blaze of light, until recommendation, which your excellency the attempt had been made to coerce terms a requisition, be founded on so the colonies into submission to taxation much justice and humanity that it can- without representation. Disputes and not be controverted; if the authority dissensions between those nearly and with which it is introduced should pre- closely allied, almost always leave clude all disputation about complying rankling hurts in the minds of both with it, we should be glad to know parties, even after the fullest reconciliawhat freedom we have in the case." tion; for the nature of man is such, Compensation was not made to the that he is very likely to brood over sufferers in Massachusetts until Decem- the causes of complaint which before ber, 1766; and then in a manner and existed, and, thinking that perhaps he on conditions highly displeasing to the has not after all received quite his due, British government; the act for that he is ready without much persuasion, purpose also containing "free and gen- with only a slight moving cause, to reeral pardon, indemnity, and oblivion, new the dispute even more fiercely than to all offenders in the late times." In ever. England had acted foolishly New York, the Legislature, by a volun- and ignorantly; the colonies had retary act, granted compensation to those sisted determinedly; England gave

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CH. XI.]

STATESMEN AND ORATORS OF THE DAY.

way; but she did it very ungraciously, and deprived her relinquishment of the present claim to impose a tax of all its real value by coupling with it an assertion of the absolute power of Parliament to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever. The Americans could not but notice this, and the popular leaders were far too astute not to point out the discrepancy between giving up a claim and asserting a power to maintain this same claim at any moment Parliament chose.

The influence exerted by many eminent statesmen and orators of the day will justify our speaking of them more fully in this place; and in doing so, we shall use the language of Mr. Grahame, who writes with mingled enthusiasm and admiration of our patriot sires.

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and the elegance of his wit, than respected for the simplicity and integrity. of his character; Peyton Randolph, whose high repute and influence with his countrymen, unaided by the captivation of eloquence, was founded on qualities more honorable both to him and to them, the solid powers of his understanding and the sterling virtues of his heart; and Richard Henry Lee, one of the most accomplished scholars and orators in America, and who was commonly styled the Virginian Cicero. Washington, who, since the reduction of Fort Duquesne, in 1758, had withdrawn from military life, and never quitted his domestic scene but to discharge the duties of a member of the Virginia Assembly, now calmly but firmly espoused the cause of his native The most remarkable of the polit- country in opposition to the pretensions ical leaders and orators who sprung up of the British Government; nor was at this period were natives of Virginia, there an individual more respected in Massachusetts, and South Carolina. In Virginia, or more generally known and | Virginia, there were particularly dis- esteemed by all America, than himself; tinguished, after Patrick Henry, whom but, devoid of oratorical powers, tranwe have already repeatedly noticed, quil, sedate, prudent, dignified, and reand who held the first place as a popu- served, he was little qualified by genius lar champion and favorite, Edmund or habit to make a brilliant figure as a Pendleton, a graceful and persuasive provincial politician, and waited the speaker, a subtle and dexterous poli- development of a grander scene of tician, energetic and indefatigable in the counsel and action, more adapted to the conduct of business; Richard Bland, illustration of his majestic wisdom and celebrated for the extent and accuracy superior sense. Various other individof his knowledge, unrivalled among uals, who have gained renown as dehis contemporaries as a logician, and fenders of the liberty and founders of who published this year an Inquiry the independence of America, began, into the Rights of the British Colonies, shortly after this period, to be distinin which the recent claims of America guished in the list of Virginian poliwere defended with much cogency of ticians; of whom the most remarkable reasoning; George Wythe, not more was Thomas Jefferson, preeminent as a admired for the strength of his capacity statesman, scholar, and philosopher; a

VOL. I.-38

forcible, perspicuous, and elegant writer; an intrepid and enterprising patriot; and an ardent and inflexible asserter of republican sentiments and the principles of purest democracy. None of his contemporaries exceeded him in politeness and benignity of manner; and few approached him in earnestness of temper and firmness of purpose. This rare combination of moral qualities enhanced the efficacy of his talent and genius, and greatly contributed to the ascendant he obtained over the minds of his countrymen. From the very dawn of the controversy between Britain and America, Jefferson, and his friend and patron, Wythe, outstripped the political views of most of the contemporary American patriots, and embraced the doctrine which ascribed indeed to the crown some prerogative, but denied to the Parliament any degree or species of legitimate control over America. Arthur, the brother of Richard Henry Lee, and afterwards ambassador from America to France, was at this time pursuing the study of the law in London, but more actively engaged, as a gratuitous coadjutor of Dr. Franklin, in watching the measures of the British government; and rendered important service to his countrymen by transmitting early intelligence of the ministerial plans and purposes.

In Massachusetts, at the present epoch, the most distinguished popular leaders and champions of the cause of America were James Otis, who has already engaged our observation; Samuel Adams, John Hancock, Thomas Cushing, and James Bowdoin, merchants; Samuel Cooper, a clergyman; Josiah

Quincy, Jr., and Robert Treat Paine, lawyers; and John Winthrop, Professor of Mathematics in Harvard College. Samuel Adams was one of the most perfect models of disinterested patriotism, and of republican genius and character in all its severity and simplicity, that any age or country has ever produced. At Harvard College, in the year 1743, he made an early display of those political sentiments which he cherished through life, by maintaining, in the thesis which gained him his literary degree, that "it is lawful to resist the supreme magistrate, if the commonwealth cannot otherwise be preserved." A sincere and devout Puritan in religion, grave in his manners, austerely pure in his morals, simple, frugal, and unambitious in his tastes, habits, and desires; zealously, and incorruptibly devoted to the defence of American liberty, and the improvement of Amer ican character; endowed with a strong, manly understanding, an unrelaxing earnestness and inflexible firmness of will and purpose, a capacity of patient and intense application which no labor could exhaust, and a calm and determined courage which no danger could daunt and no disaster depress, he rendered his virtues more efficacious by the instrumentality of great powers of reasoning and eloquence, and altogether supported a part and exhibited a character of which every description, even the most frigid that has been preserved, wears the air of panegyric. He defended the liberty of his countrymen against the tyranny of England, and their religious principles against the impious sophistry of Paine. His moral

CH. XI]

SAMUEL ADAMS AND JOHN HANCOCK.

sentiments ever mingled with his political views and opinions; and his constant aim was rather to deserve the esteem of mankind by honesty and virtue, than to obtain it by supple compliance and flattery. Poor without desiring to be rich, he subsequently filled the highest offices in the State of Massachusetts, without making the slightest augmentation to his fortune; and after an active, useful, and illustrious life, in which all the interests of the individual were merged in regard and care for the community, he died without obtaining or desiring any other reward than the consciousness of virtue and integrity, the contemplation of his country's happiness, and the respect and veneration of his fellow-citizens. It has been censoriously remarked of him by the severer critics of his history —and the censure is the more interesting from the rarity of its application to the statesmen of modern times, that his character was superior to his genius, and that his mind was much more elevated and firm than liberal and expansive. In all his sentiments, religious and political, no doubt, there appeared some tincture of those peculiar principles and qualities which formed the original and distinctive character of the people of New England; and he was much more impressed with the worth and piety, than sensible of or superior to the narrow, punctilious bigotry and stubborn self-will of his provincial an

cestors.

Hancock differed widely from Adams in manners, character, and condition. He was possessed of an ample fortune, and maintained a splendid equipage;

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yet he ruled the wealth which commonly rules its possessors; for, while he indulged a gay disposition in elegant and expensive pleasures, he manifested a generous liberality in the most munificent contributions to every charitable and patriotic purpose; insomuch that his fellow-citizens declared of him, that he plainly preferred their favor to great riches, and embarked his fortune in the cause of his country. Courteous and graceful in his address, eager and enthusiastic in his disposition, endowed with a prompt and lively eloquence, which was supported by considerable abilities, though not united with brilliant genius or commanding capacity, he embraced the popular cause with the most unbridled ardor; and leaving to more philosophical patriots the guardianship of public virtue and the control of popular license, he devoted himself exclusively to the promotion of whatever objects tended immediately to gratify the wishes of the majority of the people. He continued to hope for a reconciliation with Britain much longer than Adams, who, after the promulgation of the Stamp Act, neither expected nor desired such an issue; but when, in consequence of the final rupture between the two countries, and the overthrow of regal dominion in America, a republican constitution was to be composed,-Adams showed him self the more desirous to secure an energetic government, in which the magistrates, though appointed by the choice. of the people, should be invested with force enough to withstand unreasonable or unrighteous movements of popular passion and caprice,-while Hancock

preferably advocated an unbounded scope to democratical principle, or rather license, in a government pliable to every gust of popular will. Adams was termed the Cato, and Hancock the Lucullus, of New England. Among the first generations of the inhabitants of this country, the severer virtue of Adams, in competition with the gayer character of Hancock, would have carried almost all the suffrages of their fellow-citizens; and even at no distant date retrospective from the present era, the manners of Hancock would have been rather tolerated and pardoned, than generally approved. But a change, gradually arising in the taste and opinion of the public, had latterly been so widely developped, that Hancock was now by far the most popular character in Massachusetts. He was, indeed, the idol of the great mass of the people, and openly preferred to Adams by all but a small minority of the community, consisting of stanch Puritans and stern republicans.

Cushing was less distinguished by energy or talent than by his descent from a family renowned in New England for ardent piety and liberal politics. Bowdoin, one of the wealthiest persons in Massachusetts, was also a man of great information and ability, regulated by strong good sense; liberal, honorable, and upright; a prudent and moderate, but firm and consistent patriot. Cooper, pious, eloquent, and accomplished, was first prompted to unite the character of a politician with the office of a minister of the Gospel by the tidings of the Stamp Act, which suggested to him, he declared, that tyranny

was opposed not more to civil than to religious liberty. From that period, he took an active part in behalf of the liberties of his country, both as a contributor of political essays to the periodical publications of Boston, and as a correspondent of Dr. Franklin. He was eminent as a scholar, and ardent as a patron and coadjutor of every institution for the advancement of learning, liberty, piety, or virtue; and, doubtless, his previous character as a divine contributed to promote the efficacy of his exertions as a politician. Quincy, a distinguished lawyer and orator, the descendant of one of those English barons who extorted from King John the signature of Magna Charta, showed that the spirit displayed by his ancestor at Runnymede was transmitted to him, unimpaired by the eclipse of family grandeur and the lapse of five centuries. He was the protomartyr of American liberty, in defence of which, both with his tongue and pen, he exerted an energy so disproportioned to his bodily strength, as to occasion his death a short time previous to the Declaration of American Independence. Robert Treat Paine, one of the most eminent lawyers in Massachusetts, held a high place in the public estimation for intelligence, firmness, and zeal. Ever prompt, active, and decided as a champion of American liberty, he was universally admired for the brilliancy of his wit, and respected even by his political opponents for his pure and inflexible uprightness. Winthrop, who inherited one of the most venerable names in New England, revived its ancient honor and still farther

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