Cu. XI.] SOUTHERN PATRIOTS AND STATESMEN. embellished it by the highest attainments in science and literature, by a character adorned with religion and virtue, and by a firm and courageous devotion to the liberty of his country. It was in the present year that the Assembly of Massachusetts, whether with a view of enhancing or of gratifying the popular interest in its proceedings, adopted a resolution, which was instantly carried into effect, that its debates should be open to the public, and that a gallery should be erected for the accommodation of the audience. The orators of the popular party derived new courage and animation from the looks of their listening countrymen, who, in turn, were inspired with the generous ardor which their presence promoted. Eloquence, like music, is often more powerful than reason and honor in imparting the height of noblest temper to human courage and resolution. In South Carolina, among many bold and able champions of their country's rights, the most notable were John Rutledge, a man endowed with very extraordinary powers of mind, prompt, penetrating, energetic, and decisive; and, in oratory, the rival, or, as some accounted, the superior, of Patrick Henry;-Christopher Gadsden, a frank, fearless, intrepid, upright,* and determined republican;-Henry Laurens, a zealous patriot and enlightened * When the Revolutionary War broke out, Boone, the royal governor of South Carolina, observed"God knows how this unhappy contest will end, or what the popular leaders of South Carolina can be aiming at;-but Gadsden I know to be an honest man--he means well." 285 politician, afterwards highly distinguished by the dignity which he achieved, and the talent and fortitude which he exerted, in the service of America ;--Edward Rutledge, the brother of John, and whose eloquence was as graceful and insinuating as his brother's was impetuous and commanding;-and David Ramsay, a learned and ingenious man, sincerely religious, austerely moral, and warmly patriotic, a forcible speaker, and an elegant writer. At an early stage of the controversy with Britain, Ramsay was an advocate for the immediate assertion of American independence; and after bravely and ably contributing to the attainment of this object, he related the struggle by which it was won, in one of the best and most impartial histories that have been composed of the Revolutionary War.* 1766. The short lived administration of the Marquis of Rockingham, came to an end in July, 1766, and a new ministry was formed under the nominal headship of Pitt, now created Earl of Chatham, who was, however, prevented by illness from taking any great part in the measures. Lord Shelburne and General Conway became secretaries of state; Camden, lord chancellor; Charles Townshend, chancellor of the Exchequer. This administration was of so chequered a character, that it was sharply described by Burke as "a piece of diversified Mosaic, a tesselated pavement without cement, here a bit of black stone, there a bit of white, Grahame's "History of the United States," vol ii., pp. 416-20. patriots and courtiers, king's friends and republicans, Whigs and Tories, treacherous friends and open enemies,-a very curious show, but utterly unsafe to touch, and unsure to stand upon." The contumacy of the colonists greatly annoyed the king and ministry, as well as the people at large, and it became the general impression, fortified by the representations of the colonial governors, that it was necessary to display more determination, in order to bring the refractory colonists to a proper submission. At the very first session of Parliament, after the formation of this new ministry, January, 1767-Towns hend, a man of brilliant parts, 1767. but no well-settled principles, brought forward a new scheme of raising a revenue in America. He had been urged on to this step by the pertinacious attacks of Grenville, who felt far from comfortable under his defeat in regard to the Stamp Act. "You are cowards!" was his language to the new ministry; "you are afraid of the Americans; you dare not tax America!" Taunts of this kind roused up Townshend's blood: "Fear! fear! cowards! dare not tax America! I dare tax America." "Dare you?" said Grenville; "dare you tax America? I wish to God I could see it." "I will," said Townshend; "I will." its alleged object being to raise a revenue for the support of the civil government, for the expense of a standing army, and for giving permanent salaries to the royal governors, with a view to render them independent of the colonial Assemblies. Pitt was at the time confined by sickness in the country, and the bill passed with very little opposition, and on the 29th of June, received the royal assent. In order to enforce the new act, and those already in existence, which, odious as they were to the Americans, had hitherto been continually evaded by them, a Board of Revenue Commissioners was to be established at Boston. Indignant, moreover, at the recent refusal of the New York Assembly to comply with the provisions of the act for quartering soldiers, notwithstanding their personal remonstrances, the ministers passed an act restraining that body from any further legislative proceedings until they had submitted. These acts for imposing new taxes were received with no favor in America, and the excitement in all parts of the country was rekindled. Possibly, under other circumstances, this plan of taxation might have been submitted to; but the exasperated state of feeling in the colonies, led them to view with deep suspicion, and to resist, every scheme of Townshend's scheme was based upon taxing them in a way taxing them in a way which they dethat distinction which Pitt had main-clared to be in violation of their rights tained between a direct tax and commercial imposts for regulating trade. Hence, he proposed to lay a duty upon teas imported into America, together with paints, paper, glass, and lead, which were articles of British produce; as British freemen. "When George III. and his Parliament," as M. Guizot says, "rather in a spirit of pride, and to prevent the loss of absolute power by long disuse, than to derive any advantage from its exercise, undertook to tax CH. XI] RESISTANCE BASED ON PRINCIPLE. the colonies without their consent, a powerful, numerous, and enthusiastic party, the national party,-immediately sprang into being, ready to resist, in the name of right and of national honor. It was indeed a question of right and of honor, and not of interest or physical well-being. The taxes were light, and imposed no burden upon the colonists. But they belonged to that class of men who feel most keenly the wrongs which affect the mind alone, and who can find no repose while honor is unsatisfied. For, sir, what is it we are contending against? Is it against paying the duty of three pence per pound on tea, because burdensome? No; it is the right only, that we have all along disputed."* Such was, at the commencement of the quarrel, the language of Washington himself, and such was the public sentiment-a sentiment founded in sound policy, as well as moral sense, and manifesting as much judgment as virtue." But the English ministry, with a fatuity which seems wonderful, were determined to pursue the line of policy they had marked out, despite the consequences. The colonists were every day searching deeper and deeper into the foundations of the questions agitating the whole country, and were every day becoming less and less disposed to submit to the control of Parliament. Dickinson's "Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies," discussed the subject of the new taxes laid upon the people, and denied the right of Parliamentary taxation in any way whatever. *"Writings of Washington," vol. ii., p. 392. 287 Franklin caused these "Letters" to be reprinted in London: they were extensively read, and exercised a powerful influence in setting forth the injustice and unconstitutionality of the attempt thus to impose taxes upon America. The colonial newspapers, likewise, now numbering twenty-five or more, began to teem with essays on colonial rights. 1767. Bernard refused to call a special session of the General Court to take the new acts into consideration; a public meeting was held in the latter part of October, and it was proposed to both encourage domestic manufactures and industry, and to discontinue the importation of British goods. The example of Massachusetts was followed in Connecticut, New York, and Philadelphia. 1768. The General Court met December 30th, and a large committee was appointed to consider the state of the provinces. A letter of instructions was presently dispatched to Dennis de Berdt, agent for the colony, in London, and a petition to the king, in which they dwell upon the grant of their original charter, "with the conditions of which they had fully complied, till in an unhappy time it was vacated." They next allude to the subsequent and modified charter, granted by William and Mary, confirming the same fundamental liberties secured to them by the first. Acknowledging, indeed, the superintending authority of Parliament, in all cases that can consist with the fundamental rights of nature and the constitution, they proceed as follows: "It is with the deepest concern that your humble suppliants would represent to your Majesty, that your quis of Rockingham, Lords Camden Parliament, the rectitude of whose in- and Chatham, and the Lords Commistentions is never to be questioned, has sioners of the Treasury. They also, in thought proper to pass divers acts im- February, 1768, issued a circular letter posing taxes on your subjects in Amer- to the rest of the colonies, inviting ica, with the sole and express purpose them to engage in a common defence of raising a revenue. If your Majes- of their rights, concluding the letter ty's subjects here shall be deprived of with an expression of their "firm conthe honor and privilege of voluntarily fidence in the king, their common head contributing their aid to your Majesty, and father, and that the united and in supporting your government and dutiful supplications of his distressed authority in the province, and defend- | American subjects will meet with his ing and securing your rights and terri- | royal and favorable acceptance." tories in America, which they have always hitherto done with the utmost cheerfulness; if these acts of Parliament shall remain in force, and your Majesty's Commons in Great Britain shall continue to exercise the power of granting the property of their fellow subjects in this province; your people must then regret their unhappy fate in having only the name left of free subjects. With all humility we conceive that a representation of this province in Parliament, considering their local circumstances, is utterly impracticable. Your Majesty has therefore been graciously pleased to order your requisitions to be laid before the representatives of your people in the General Assembly, who have never failed to afford the necessary aid, to the extent of their ability, and sometimes beyond it, and it would be ever grievous to your Majesty's faithful subjects, to be called upon in a way that should appear to them to imply a distrust of their most ready and willing compliance." Besides this petition to the king, they sent letters to Lord Shelburne, General Conway, the Mar The English ministry naturally dreaded any step which seemed to lead to a prospect of union of action on the part of the colonies. Hence Lord Hillsborough, recently appointed Secretary for the Colonies, directed Governor Bernard to press upon the House of Representatives the propriety of rescinding this circular as "rash and hasty," and artfully procured by surprise against the general sense of the Assembly, and to dissolve that body in case of refusal. He also addressed a circular with the same instructions to the rest of the royal governors. 'As his Majesty considers this measure," it observed, "to be of the most dangerous and factious tendency, calculated to inflame the minds of his good subjects in the colonies, and promote an unwarrantable combination, it is his Majesty's pleasure that you should exert your utmost influence to defeat this flagitious attempt to disturb the public peace, by prevailing upon the Assembly of your province to take no notice of it, which will be treating it with the contempt it deserves." When Bernard communicated this message to the new Assembly, C. XI] CASE OF THE SLOOP LIBERTY. in July, they denied that the circular to the colonies had been unfairly passed, and positively refused to comply with the minister's wishes. "If," they observed, "by the word rescinding is intended the passing a vote in direct and express disapprobation of the measure taken by the former House, we must take the liberty to declare that we hold it to be the native right of the subject to petition the king for the redress of grievances. If the votes of the House are to be controlled by the direction of a minister, we have left us but a vain semblance of liberty. We have now only to inform you that this House have voted not to rescind, and that on a division on the question there were ninety-two nays and seventeen yeas." The seventeen "rescinders," as they were termed, became objects of public odium. On the question to rescind, Mr. Otis, in his usually bold manner, said: "When Lord Hillsborough knows that we will not rescind our acts, let him apply to Parliament to rescind theirs. Let Britons rescind their measures, or they are lost for ever." The next day, the House of Representatives was dissolved by Bernard. 1768. In the other colonies, the requisitions of the ministry were equally disregarded. When Governor Sharpe communicated Lord Hillsborough's letter to the Assembly of Maryland, their language in reply was fearless and independent. "We cannot," say they, "but view this as an attempt, in some of his Majesty's ministers, to suppress all communication of sentiments between the colonies, and to prevent the united supplications of VOL. I.-39 289 America from reaching the royal ear. We have the warmest and most affectionate attachment to our most gracious sovereign, and shall ever pay the readiest and most respectful regard to the just and constitutional power of the British Parliament; but we shall not be intimidated by a few high-sounding expressions from doing what we think is right." The Assemblies of New York, Delaware, Virginia, and Georgia, expressed similar sentiments, in language more or less decided; and, under instructions from the home government, they were dissolved by the royal governors. The presence of the newly-appointed officers for collecting the custom house duties, did not tend to make matters more quiet, or to allay the excitement in the public mind. On the contrary, it was evident that collision might at any time be expected; and in fact, it occurred very soon. The sloop Liberty, belonging to Hancock, had been seized on the charge of smuggling. This was early in June, 1768. The Liberty was boarded by the officers, who, apprehensive of trouble, had solicited aid from the commander of a ship of war in the harbor, and by his advice had ordered the sloop to be brought under the guns of his ship. A riot broke out immediately; a mob collected; the custom-house officers, after being severely handled, narrowly escaped with their lives, while their houses were attacked, and their boat dragged through the town, and afterwards burned upon the common. The governor, unable to protect the officers, advised them to remove from Boston; they consequently |