ing here to discuss the question as to the motives and conduct of the loyalist party in America, it appears quite certain that the indignities frequently heaped upon them by private malice, under color of patriotic zeal, such as tarring and feathering, carting them read, at six o'clock in the evening, at the head of each brigade of the army. "The general hopes," said he, in his orders, "that this important event will serve as a fresh incentive to every officer and soldier, to act with fidelity and courage, as knowing that now the peace and safety of his country depends, un-about as spectacles, and the like, were der God, solely on the success of our arms; and that he is now in the service of a State, possessed of sufficient power to reward his merit and advance him to the highest honors of a free country." The people in the city of New York, not only indulged themselves in the usual demonstrations of joy by ringing of bells and the like, but also concluded that the leaden statue of his Majesty, George III., in the Bowling Green, might now be turned to good account: they, therefore, pulled down the statue, and the lead was run into bullets for the good cause. Everywhere throughout the country the Declaration was hailed with joy. Processions were formed; bells were rung; cannon were fired; orations delivered; and in every possible way the popular approbation was manifested. Matters had now reached such a crisis that it became necessary for every member of the community to make his election between one side or the other. Doubt was now to be put an end to; and the people must choose either to enroll themselves on the side of those who were now solemnly pledged to independence, or take the consequences of adhering to the side of the king and the invading army sent to reduce their countrymen to absolute and unconditional submission. Without undertak of the most odious description; and it need excite no surprise that the spirit of revenge was roused into active and savage fury. We shall have abundant evidence of this in the course of our narrative. At the same time it is perfectly evident, that Congress and the various state governments were, of necessity, compelled to insist upon the allegiance of all without distinction; and they who refused to yield obedience, or adhered to the enemy, were exposed to severe penalties, confiscation of property, imprisonment, banishment, and finally, death. Congress, before the passage of the Declaration of Independence, declared, that "all persons abiding within any of the United Colonies, and deriving protection from the laws of the same, owed allegiance to the said laws, and were members of such colony; and that all persons passing through, or making a temporary stay in any of the colonies, being entitled to the protection of the laws, during the time of such passage, visitation, or temporary stay, owed, during the same, allegiance thereto." It was also declared, "that all persons, members of, or owing allegiance to any of the United Colonies, who should levy war against any of the said colonies, within the same; or be adherent to the king of Great Britain, or other enemies of the said colonies, or CH. I. ARRIVAL OF LORD HOWE AT NEW YORK. any of them, within the same, giving to him or them aid or comfort, were guilty of treason against such colony." From motives of policy as well as propriety, there was not much disposition to resort to extremities on the part of those having in charge the popular governments; and, notwithstanding some were in favor of stringent measures, it was wisely concluded for the present to admonish delinquents, put them under recognizances, etc. The necessity of some terms of confederation between the states was plainly evident, and Congress took steps immediately for considering the subject. As early as July, 1775, Dr. Franklin had submitted to Congress a sketch of articles of confederation between the colonies; but his plan does not appear to have been discussed at all. On the 7th of June, a committee was appointed, consisting of one member from each colony, to prepare and digest a form of confederation. The report of this committee, made on the 12th of July, eight days after the Declaration of Independence, was debated almost daily, to the 20th of August, in a committee of the whole house, when a new draft was reported. The articles thus reported were laid aside until April of the following year. The subject was a very difficult one to agree upon in the then position of affairs, the great variety of interests involved, and especially the tenacious regard entertained for state rights and state sovereignty. Washington was, not unreasonably, anxious as to the position and probable means of defending the city of New York. Its importance, in every point 423 of view, the strong Tory influence in it and its vicinity, the almost certainty that the British commander would make it the central point of operations against the Americans, and the like considerations, urged him to put forth every exertion to meet the emergency. Under Putnam's direction, obstructions were sunk in the Hudson and East Rivers, and forts and batteries were hastily erected, to guard the narrowest passages. Fort Washington and Fort Lee were the strongest of these works; but the commander-in-chief found it no easy matter to place the city in what might be considered a tolerable state of defence. 1776. Just at the end of June, General Howe, who had found his quarters at Halifax not comfortable, arrived at New York, and landed his troops on Staten Island, which Washington had not felt himself able to occupy. He was received with exultation by the Tory inhabitants, and was encouraged by Tryon to look for an extensive rising of the loyalist party in various directions. On the 12th of July, Admiral Lord Howe arrived from England with large reinforcements. He and his brother were empowered to act as Commissioners for restoring peace, by receiving the submissions of such individuals and communities, as might desire to return to their allegiance, and throw themselves themselves upon the king's mercy. A circular letter to the late royal governors, dated off the coast of Massachusetts, containing offers of pardon to all who would submit, was sent on shore under a flag, and it was requested of these governors, that the offer contained in the letter might have as wide a circulation as possible. Washington immediately sent this letter to Congress, and that body, on the 19th of July, ordered it to be published in all the newspapers, "that the good people of the United States might be informed of what nature are the commissions, and what the terms, with the expectation of which, the insidious court of Great Britain, has endeavored to amuse and disarm them; and that the few, who still remain suspended by a hope founded either in the justice or moderation of their late king, may now, at length, be convinced, that the valor alone of their country is to save its liberties." that fine and noble China vase, the British empire; for I knew that being once broken, the separate parts could not retain even their share of the strength and value that existed in the whole; and that a perfect reunion In could scarce ever be hoped for." conclusion, he says, "I know your great motive in coming hither, was the hope of being instrumental in a reconciliation; and I believe, when you find that to be impossible, on any terms given you to propose, you will then relinquish so odious a command, and return to a more honorable private station." Failing in these efforts, the Commissioners next attempted to open a There is no reason to doubt that communication with Washington, whom Lord Howe was sincerely anxious for they addressed as George Washington, peace. He addressed a note to Dr. Esq.; but as they were not prepared Franklin, to whom he was personally to acknowledge the official position and well known, earnestly expressing his station of the commander-in-chief, a wishes, that the differences between the difficulty at once arose. Washington Americans and the mother country never suffered the slightest deviation might be amicably settled. Franklin, from exact propriety in all his public in his reply, courteously regretted that relations. The Commissioners, anxious he had crossed the Atlantic on an er- to accomplish to accomplish something, next had rerand so fruitless, as to expect to obtain course to an expedient, by which they submission from his countrymen. "It hoped to obviate all difficulty; they is impossible," he writes, "that we changed the address of their letter for should think of submission to a gov- the superscription following; to George ernment, that has, with the most wan- Washington, etc., etc. Adjutant-genton barbarity and cruelty, burnt our eral Patterson was sent with this disdefenceless towns, in the midst of win- patch. Being introduced to Washing| ter; excited the savages to massacre ton, he gave him in conversation, the our peaceful farmers, and our slaves to title of Excellency. The general remurder their masters; and is now bring- ceived him with great politeness, but ing foreign mercenaries to deluge our at the same time with much dignity. settlements with blood. Long did I The adjutant expressed himself greatendeavor, with unfeigned and unwea- ly concerned, on behalf of his prinried zeal, to preserve from breaking, cipals, on account of the difficulties CH. I.] PATTERSON'S INTERVIEW WITH WASHINGTON. that had arisen about the superscription of the letter; assured him of their high regard for his personal character, and that they had no intention to undervalue his rank. It was hoped, therefore, that the et ceteras, being in use between ambassadors, when they were not perfectly agreed upon points of etiquette, would remove all obstructions to their mutual intercourse. Washington answered, that a letter written to a person invested with a public character, should specify it, otherwise it could not be distinguished from a private letter; that it was true the et ceteras implied every thing; but it was no less true, that they implied any thing; and that, as to himself, he would never consent to receive any letter, relating to public affairs, that should be directed to him, without a designation of his rank and office. Patterson requested that this question might be waived; and turned the conversation upon prisoners of war. He expatiated in magnificent terms, upon the goodness and clemency of the king, who had chosen for negotiators Lord and General Howe. He affirmed that their desire to terminate the differences which had arisen between the two peoples, was as earnest as their powers were ample; and that he hoped the general would consider this visit, as the first step towards it. Washington replied, that he was not authorized to negotiate; but that it did not appear that the powers of the Commissioners consisted in any more than in granting pardons; that America, not having committed any offence, asked for no forgiveness; and was only defending her unquestionable VOL. I.-56 425 rights. Patterson remarked, that this subject would open too vast a field of discussion. He expressed his acknowledgments for the favor done him, in omitting the usual ceremony of blinding his eyes, when passing the American works. Washington invited him to partake of a collation, and he was introduced to the general officers. After many compliments, and polite expressions, and repeating his regrets, that a strict observation of formalities should interrupt the course of so important an affair, he took leave of Washington, and withdrew. This conference thus remained without result, and all thoughts were again turned towards hostilities. Congress were perfectly aware, on the one hand, of the shame they must incur, by departing from the resolution so recently taken, of asserting independence, and they feared, on the other, that the propositions of England might contain some secret poison. They caused an exact relation to be printed of the interview between the commander-in-chief and the English adjutant-general. As stated on a previous page, (p. 374) the American army had retreated from Canada, in a state of great suffering, and their condition was very naturally a source of anxiety to Congress. General Schuyler was in command of the northern division of the northern division of the army, his headquarters being at Albany. In June, Gates was raised to the rank of brigadier-general, and appointed to the command of the forces in Canada. A reinforcement of six thousand men was voted, in the hope that Gates might retrieve some of the severe losses of the previous year. Military punctilio caused some trouble between Schuyler and Gates, which led Congress to recommend the generals to act conjointly; but it was a rather clumsy expedient, and Schuyler, feeling himself aggrieved, offered to resign. Congress, perfectly satisfied as to his patriotism and ability, declined to accept his resignation, of course. Crown Point was decided to be untenable, and the troops fell back upon Ticonderoga. Sickness and hardships had made sad inroads upon the American forces, and of the six thousand who had reached the fort, not more than half were fit for duty. General Carleton's force, including the German mercenaries, amounted to thirteen thousand men, in excellent condition, and eager to pursue the disorganized and weakened American troops. In his well-conducted retreat from Canada, General Sullivan had made way with all the boats on the lake, in consequence of consequence of which, the British general was unable to advance was unable to advance against the Americans. Thick forests lined the shores of Lake Champlain, and as there was no passage except by water, it was evident that nothing effective could be done, until a suitable supply of shipping was obtained on the lake. Vigorous preparations were made by both parties for the approaching contest. Carleton, on his side, had the advantage, and the men worked with uncommon zeal and activity, in the hope that they would readily triumph over the Americans, and have a share in the glory of a successful and speedy termination of the war. The frames of five large vessels, prepared in England, and brought across by land from Montreal to St. John's, were soon put together on the lake. A large number of gun-boats were also brought from the St. Lawrence, and dragged over the rapids of the Sorel at Fort Chambly. This formidable flotilla, which sprung into existence, as it were by magic, consisted of nearly thirty vessels, which were manned by seven hundred picked seamen. By the middle of August, the Americans succeeded in completing a small flotilla, which was subsequently augmented to sixteen vessels, of various size and sort; the whole was placed under the command of Arnold, who was ready for fighting of any kind, and at any time. From the necessity of the case, the vessels were manned by soldiers taken from the ranks. Arnold, who was well aware of his probable inferiority to the British forces, had posted himself with great judgment, in a position between Valcour Island and the shore, where he could neither be surrounded nor attacked, except in front, by a portion of the enemy's flotilla. Early on the morning of the 11th of October, they came in sight, led by Captain Pringle, in the Inflexible, Sir Guy Carleton taking his station on the deck of the flag ship. Sweeping round the southern point of the island, the English vessels were soon engaged with the American, and the combat raged for four hours with the most desperate fury. Arnold had posted himself on board the Congress galley; he pointed every gun with his own hand, and cheered on his men with his characteristic enthu |