1778. bitious aims and unscrupulous conduct, soon produced an unlooked for termination of his career. Excessively unpopular in the army, he threw up his office of inspector-general, and in the latter part of February, he was wounded in a duel with General Cadwalader. Supposing his wound to be mortal-though he afterwards recovered-under the influence of sudden remorse, he wrote to Washington in the following terms: "I find myself just able to hold the pen during a few minutes, and take this opportunity of expressing my sincere grief for having done, written, or said any thing disagreeable to your Excellency. My career will soon be over; therefore, justice and truth prompt me to declare my last sentiments. You are, in my eyes, the great and good man. May you long enjoy the love, veneration, and esteem of these States, whose liberties you have asserted by your virtues." As has been already intimated, in speaking of the foreign relations of the United States, France was only waiting for some positive surety, that the Americans would sustain the contest against the mother country, before she was willing openly to enter the field as the ally of the new republic. Although the Americans had not faltered, or manifested any disposition to yield to England, yet the issue was still somewhat uncertain. It was not impossible, that the colonies might be induced to come to terms with the mother country, even if they were not reduced by force of arms. The French ministry were apprehensive, that so soon as France should join the Americans, England might see fit to concede every thing asked for by the colonies, and thus England and America being at peace, France might have the war on her hands alone, and without any purpose to be gained worthy of the struggle. Hence her policy was so shaped, that she held out encouragement, just in proportion to the news of success, or failure, in the contest with England. father, conversing about the American Revolution Suddenly he remarked, 'Ah, William! the history of that Revolution will never be known. Nobody now alive knows it, but John Adams and myself." It is superfluous, perhaps, to call the reader's attention to the fact, but no one, we are sure, can examine this portion of our country's history, without a feeling of profound respect and admiration for the magnanimity, the moderation, the self-command, and the nobility of soul which marked the whole course of Washington during this pain- Surprised at such a declaration, I asked him to what ful and vexatious trial. May his example never be without effect upon ceedings?' He answered, Those against Washingthose who glory in the name of countrymen of Washington !* * Mr. Irving gives the following anecdote, furnished to him by Judge Jay. 66 Shortly before the death of John Adams, I was sitting alone with my he referred. He briefly replied: The proceedings of the old Congress.' Again I inquired, 'What pro ton; from first to last, there was a most bitter party CH. IV.] THE FRENCH ALLIANCE. Pursuing invariably the route marked out by reason of state, which admirably suited her convenience, France, on the one hand, amused the British ministers with protestations of friendship, and on the other, encouraged the Americans with secret succors, by the uncertainty and scantiness of them, inflaming their ardor, and confirming their resolution by continual promises of future co-operation. Unshackled in her movements, she thus pledged herself to no party, but tranquilly waited to see what course things would take. The agents of Congress did not fail, however, to urge and besiege the cabinet of Versailles to come at length to a final decision. But the French ministers, as usual, alleged a variety of excuses in support of their system of procrastination; at one time, that the fleet expected from Newfoundland, crowded with excellent seamen, was not yet arrived; at another, that the galleons of Spain were still at sea; and at another, some new excuse was invented. Thus alternately advancing and receding, never allowing their intentions to be fathomed, they kept the Americans in continual uncertainty. Finally, the commissioners, out of all patience, and determined, if practicable, without waiting longer, to extricate themselves from the perplexing and annoying position in which they were placed, drew up, 527 for advantages she would gain by England's losing her rich and valuable col onies in America. This memorial, however, did not produce the desired result, and England was again approached with a proposition to recognize the independence of the United States, and secure, after that, every advantage she might desire to possess. It was forcibly represented, that if the British ministry knew how to profit by the occasion, it depended on themselves to stipulate an arrange. ment so conducive to the prosperity of Great Britain, that she would seek in vain to procure herself similar advantages by any other means. But the British government, elated with the first successes of Burgoyne, and persuaded that victory would certainly attend his arms, refused to listen to any overtures for accommodation, and rejected the proposition with disdain. The blindness of the British ministers was incurable, and they persisted in refusing to receive America as an ally, while it was possible, choosing rather to treat her as an enemy, to be reduced to absolute, unconditional submission. The victory of Saratoga gave a new aspect to American affairs in Europe, and equal sagacity and ability were manifested in the attention devoted to the foreign interests of the United States. The same express that carried to Eng land the news of the surrender of Burgoyne, was the bearer of dispatches, the drift of which was to insinuate, that the Americans, disgusted by the excessive delays of the French, and indignant at not having received, in the midst of their reverses, avowed and more effica cious succors, were eagerly desirous of an accommodation with England, and to conclude with her a treaty of commerce, provided she acknowledged their independence. In order to give more weight to this suggestion, it was added, that the colonists would feel particular gratification in a reconciliation with the mother country; whereas, in the contrary case, they would be compelled to throw themselves into the arms of the inveterate and implacable enemy of England. In the then position of affairs, the British ministry, anxious, if possible, to terminate the quarrel with America, before the breaking out of hostilities with France, introduced two bills into the House of Commons: the first declared, that Parliament would impose no tax or duty whatever, payable within | any of the colonies of North America, except only such duties as it non-intercourse act; also to suspend, during the continuance of the act, so much of all, or any of the acts of Parliament which have passed since the 10th day of February, 1763, as relates to the colonies; to grant pardons to any number or description of persons; and to appoint a governor in any colony in which his majesty had heretofore exercised the power of making such appointment. The duration of the act was limited to the 1st day of June, 1779. As soon as Lord North had brought in his Conciliatory Bills, the French clearly perceived that the time had now come for them to act with decision. Accordingly, M. Gerard, in behalf of France, informed the American commissioners, on the 16th of December, "that after a long and mature deliberation upon their propositions, his majesty had determined to recognize the independence of, and to enter into a treaty of commerce and alliance with, the United States of America; and that he would not only acknowledge their independence, but actually support it with all the means * It may be well here to state, that as, previous to the recognition of independence by the court of France, it was necessary that the intercourse with the American agents should be conducted indirectly might be expedient to impose for the purposes of commerce, the net produce of which should always be paid and applied to, and for, the use of the colonies in which the same shall be respectively levied, in like manner as other duties collected under the authority of their respective legislatures, are ordinarily paid and applied; the second, authorized the appointment of commissioners by the crown, with power to treat with either the constituted authorities, or with individuals in America; but that no stipulation entered into The mode in which he converted the gratuitous aid should have any effect till approved in Parliament. It empowered the commissioners, however, to proclaim a cessation of hostilities in any of the colonies; to suspend the operation of the History of the United States," vol. i., pp. 402-22. and with the utmost secrecy, the French government rendered their secret assistance through the agency of M. Beaumarchais, who, so far as appears, was more desirous of serving himself than the Americans. of the French court into articles of charge, in his accounts with Congress, and especially his retaining in his hands a million of livres out of the subsidy granted by the French king, are matters worthy of the reader's investigation. He will find a full account, with the documents, in Pitkin's "Political and Civil CH. IV.] LORD NORTH'S CONCILIATORY PLANS. in his power; that perhaps he was about to engage himself in an expensive war upon this account, but that he did not expect to be reimbursed by them; in fine, the Americans were not to think that he had entered into this resolution solely with a view of serving them, since, independently of his real attachment to them and their cause, it was evidently the interest of France to diminish the power of England, by severing her colonies from her." On the 6th of February, 1778, a treaty of commerce was signed by Franklin, Deane, and Lee, on the part of the United States, and by M. Ge1778. rard, on the part of France, together with a treaty of defensive alliance, in case war should be the consequence of this commercial connection. The essential and direct end of this alliance was, "to maintain the liberty, sovereignty, and independence, absolute and unlimited, of the United States, as well in matters of government as of commerce." Official notice of this treaty was communicated in March, by the French ambassador, to the court of London, couched in the most approved diplomatic terms, but by no means free from sarcastic pungency. We give the concluding portion of this document as an illustration of the way in which men can say one thing, while they mean quite another. "In making this communication to the Court of London, the king is firmly persuaded, that it will find in it fresh proofs of his majesty's constant and sincere dispositions for peace; and that his Britannic majesty, animated by the VOL. I.-69 529 same sentiments, will equally avoid every thing that may interrupt good harmony: and that he will take, in particular, effectual measures to hinder the commerce of his majesty's subjects with the United States of America from being disturbed, and cause to be observed, in this respect, the usages received between trading nations and the rules that may be considered as subsisting between the crowns of France and Great Britain. ་ "In this just confidence, the underwritten ambassador might think it superfluous to apprize the British ministry, that the king, his master, being determined effectually to protect the lawful freedom of the commerce of his subjects, and to sustain the honor of his flag, his majesty has taken in consequence eventual measures, in concert with the United States of North America." Truly, such a communication as this, was well calculated to rouse the spirit of England, and to provoke its king and people to seek redress in war. "Ifas Botta acutely says-it was one of those shrewd turns which are not unusual among princes in their reciprocal intercourse, it was also one of those which they are not accustomed to forgive." Copies of Lord North's plans for conciliation were dispatched in advance, and reached America about the middle of April. Governor Tryon had them printed, and had the assurance to send copies to Washington, with the request that he would aid in circulating them, "that the people at large might be acquaint 1778. ed with the favorable disposition of Great Britain towards the American colonies." Washington immediately forwarded the papers to Congress. The terms now offered by the British ministry would, at the beginning of the struggle, have been received with great satisfaction. But the position of affairs was very different, in 1778, from what it was three or four years before. Independence had been resolved upon, and independence the Americans were determined to have, at any sacrifice. Washington urged with great force, that nothing less than independence, would possibly answer; no terms short of this, would be of any avail; "a peace on other terms, would be a peace of war." Congress held the same views, and, on the 22d of April, unanimously resolved, that the offers of the British ministry could not be accepted. At the same time, they ordered the bills to be published in connection with their proceedings, and circulated throughout the country. It deserves to be noted here, that this action of Congress was taken ten days before it was known that the French had entered into a treaty with the United States. The news of this auspicious event reached Congress, on the 2d of May. The treaties were immediately ratified, and great rejoicing spread throughout the whole country.* On the 6th inst., in pursuance of the orders issued by *"In national events, the public attention is generally fixed on the movements of armies and fleets. Mankind never fail to do homage to the able general and expert admiral. To this they are justly entitled; but as great a tribute is due to the statesman, who, from a more elevated station, determines on measures in which the The the commander-in-chief, the whole army in camp at Valley Forge, participated in the general joy and satisfaction, and appropriate religious exercises were observed with great unanimity. whole ceremony was conducted with excellent order, and was closed with an entertainment, music, patriotic toasts, etc. A few days later, Congress prepared an "Address to the Inhabitants of the United States." It is a document of considerable interest, written in an animated but rather turgid style, and was calculated to have a powerful effect. Congress also recommended, that it be read in all the churches, by the ministers of various denominations. The reader will, we are sure, be interested in a paragraph or two from this Address. "The haughty prince who spurned us from his feet with contumely and disdain, and the Parliament which proscribed us, now descend to offer terms of accommodation. Whilst in the full career of victory, they pulled off the mask, and avowed their intended despotism. But having lavished in vain the blood and treasure of their subjects in pursuit of this execrable purpose, they now endeavor to ensnare us with the insidious offers of reconciliation. They intend to lull you with fallacious hopes of peace, until they can assemble new armies to prosecute their nefarious designs. If this is not the case, why do they strain every nerve to levy men general safety and welfare of empires are involved. This glory in a particular manner, belongs to the Count de Vergennes, who, as his Most Christian Majesty's minister for foreign affairs, conducted the conferences which terminated in these treaties." -Ramsay's "History of the American Revolution," p. 379. |