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CH. IV.]

OFFERS OF THE BRITISH COMMISSIONERS.

throughout their islands? why do they meanly court every little tyrant of Europe to sell them his unhappy slaves? why do they continue to imbitter the minds of the savages against you? Surely this is not the way to conciliate the affections of America. Be not, therefore, deceived. You have still to expect one severe conflict. Your foreign alliances, though they secure your independence, cannot secure your country from desolation, your habitations from plunder, your wives from insult or violation, nor your children from butchery. Foiled in their principal design, you must expect to feel the rage of disappointed ambition. Arise then! to your tents! and gird you for battle! It is time to turn the headlong current of vengeance upon the head of the destroyer. They have filled up the measure of their abominations, and like ripe fruit, must soon drop from the tree. Although much is done, yet much remains to do. Expect not peace, whilst any corner of America is in possession of your foes. You must drive them away from this land of promise, a land flowing indeed with milk and honey. Your brethren at the extremities of the continent, already implore your friendship and protection. It is your duty to grant their request. They hunger and thirst after liberty. Be it yours, to dispense to them the heavenly gift. And what is there now to prevent it ?"

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North. Sir Henry Clinton, who had succeeded Howe as commander-in-chief, requested a passport for Dr. Ferguson, the secretary of the commissioners, to proceed to Yorktown, and lay certain papers before Congress. Washington, not deeming the matter within his province, declined, until he could have the instruction of Congress, who sustained him in refusing the passport. The commissioners, impatient of delay, sent on the papers through the ordinary medium of a flag, addressed to the president of Congress.*

The commissioners offered, in their letter, to consent to an immediate cessation of hostilities by sea and land; to agree that no military force should be kept up in the colonies without the consent of Congress; and also, both to give up the right of taxation, and to provide for a representation in Parliament. They promised to sustain, and finally pay off, the paper money then in circulation. Every inducement, short of the recognition of independence, was held out, to lead the colonists to return to their allegiance. But if, when relying upon their own strength alone, they had refused to listen to such overtures, they were not likely to do so now that they were assured of the support of France. By order of Congress, the president of that body wrote as fol

Acting under a strong impulse, Lafayette was

Early in June, the Earl of Carlisle induced to send a challenge to the Earl of Carlisle,

and Messrs. Eden and Johnstone, arrived in Philadelphia, as the royal commissioners, sent out in pursuance of the plans for conciliation adopted by Lord

who, as he thought, had impeached the honor of France, in the communications which were made by the commissioners to Congress. The Earl, we are

glad to say, declined a resort to this barbarous mode and France.

of settling the points in dispute between England

lows to the commissioners: "I have received the letter from your Excellencies, dated the 9th instant, with the enclosures, and laid them before Congress. Nothing but an earnest desire to spare the further effusion of human blood could have induced them to read a paper containing expressions so disrespectful to his Most Christian Majesty, the good and great ally of these States, or to consider propositions so derogatory to the honor of an independent nation. The acts of the British Parliament, the commission from your sovereign, and your letter, suppose the people of these States to be subjects of the crown of Great Britain, and are founded on the idea of dependence, which is utterly inadmissible. I am further directed to inform your Excellencies, that Congress are inclined to peace, notwithstanding the unjust claims from which this war originated, and the savage manner in which it hath been conducted. They will therefore be ready to enter upon the consideration of a treaty of peace and commerce, not inconsistent with treaties already subsisting, when the king of Great Britain shall demonstrate a sincere disposition for that purpose. The only solid proof of this disposition will be an explicit acknowledgment of these States, or the withdrawing his fleets and armies."

The British commissioners remained several months in the country,* and

* The commissioners published their final maniesto and proclamation to the Americans, on the 3d of October, and on the 10th, Congress issued a cautionary declaration in reply. No overtures were made to the commissioners from any quarter; and not long after they embarked for England. Thacher,

made many and various attempts to accomplish the objects of their 1778. mission; but without success. They were compelled to return to England baffled and disappointed. Thus the Americans, as an eloquent historian suggests-steady in their resolutions, chose rather to trust to their own fortune, which they had already proved, and to the hope they placed in that of France, than to link themselves anew to the tottering destiny of England; abandoning all idea of peace, war became the sole object of their solicitude. Such was the issue of the attempts to effect an accommodation; and thus were extinguished the hopes which the negotiation had given birth to in England. By not consenting to concessions until the time for them was passed, the English themselves furnished a justification of the refusal of the Americans. It cannot be positively affirmed that these overtures, on the part of England, were only an artifice, to divide the Americans among themselves, to detach them from France, and to have them afterwards at their discretion; but it is certain, that after so many rancorous animosities, so many sanguinary battles,

in his "Military Journal," states, that "Governor Johnstone, one of the commissioners, with inexcusable effrontery, offered a bribe to Mr. Reed, a member of Congress. In an interview with Mrs.

Ferguson, at Philadelphia, whose husband was a roy

alist, he desired she would mention to Mr. Reed, that if he would engage his interest to promote the object of their commission, he might have any office in the colonies, in the gift of his Britannic majesty, and ten thousand pounds in hand. Having solicited an interview with Mr. Reed, Mrs. Ferguson made her communication. Spurning the idea of being purchased, he replied, "that he was not worth purchasing, but such as he was, the king of Great Britain was not rich enough to do it."

CH. IV.]

LAFAYETTE AT BARREN HILL.

after the innumerable excesses of rapine, cruelty and lust, the Americans could not be blamed for believing that the British ministers designed to ensnare them. The wound was incurable, and friendship could not be restored. This was universally admitted to be true; and whoever will reflect attentively upon the long series of events which we have related up to this time, will perceive that the Americans were always constant in their resolution, the English always versatile, uncertain, and wavering. Hence it is not at all surprising, that those found new friends, and that these not only lost theirs, but also made enemies of them at the very moment when they could do them the least harm, and might receive the most from them. Vigorous resolutions prevent danger; half measures invite and aggravate it.

Washington's position and activity during the winter and spring, had seriously straitened the British army in Philadelphia for forage and fresh provisions. A portion, at least, of the people of Pennsylvania were not ill affected to the royal cause, nor without a desire to supply the troops, while many more were willing to carry victuals to Philadelphia, where they found a ready market, and payment in gold or silver; whereas the army at Valley Forge could pay only in paper money of uncertain value. But it was not easy to reach Philadelphia, nor safe to attempt it; for the American parties often intercepted them, took the provisions without payment, and not unfrequently added corporal chastisement. The first operations on the part of the

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1778.

British, therefore, in the campaign of 1778, were undertaken in order to procure supplies for the army. About the middle of March, a strong detachment, under Lieutenant-colonel Mawhood, made a foraging excursion, for six or seven days, into New Jersey. Acting out the spirit of a threat, made by the royal commissioners to increase the horrors of war, they bayonetted in cold blood some fifty or sixty of the militia, and returned to Philadelphia with little loss. Early on the morning of the 4th of May, the British came suddenly upon some militia at Crooked Billet, about seventeen miles from Philadelphia; but the Americans effected their escape with the loss of their baggage. On the 7th of May, the British undertook an expedition against the galleys and other shipping which had escaped up the Delaware, after the reduction of Mud Island, and destroyed some thirty or forty vessels and some stores and provisions. The undisputed superiority of the British naval force, and the consequent command of the Delaware, gave them great facilities in directing a suitable armament against any particular point; and the movements of the militia, on whom Congress chiefly depended for repelling sudden predatory incursions, and for guarding the roads to Philadelphia, were often tardy and inefficient. The roads were ill guarded; and the British commonly accomplished their foraging, and returned to camp, before an adequate force could be assembled to oppose them.

We close the present chapter with a brilliant exploit of the gallant La

fayette. Washington, quite certain that the British were preparing to evacuate Philadelphia, ordered Lafayette to cross the Schuylkill, and take post at Barren Hill, about twelve miles in front of the army at Valley Forge. He planned his piquets and videttes, and sent out patrols on all the roads by which it was probable the enemy would approach him. About two miles on his left was Whitemarsh, where a number of roads form a junction. The marquis intrusted the guard of these roads to some militia, whom he ordered there, but who never went. A quaker, inferring from the marquis's directing him to provide lodgings for the night, that he intended remaining there, sent information of it to the enemy, who by their spies having obtained intelligence of the marquis's situation, formed an instantaneous design of surprising him. For that purpose, on the night of May the 19th, General Grant marched out of Philadelphia with full seven thousand men, and a number of cannon. By taking the Frankfort road, and crossing the country through the old York road and Whitemarsh, the next morning he entered the road on which the marquis was, about two miles in his rear, at Plymouth meeting-house. From this place to Matson's Ford on the Schuylkill is about one mile and a quarter, the only ford by which the marquis could effect a retreat, and about two miles from Barren Hill church. Other troops were advancing

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to take the marquis in front, and to cooperate with General Grant: who instead of hastening to and securing the ford, marched down toward the marquis on the main road, by which mean the latter gained intelligence of the other's being in his rear. The marquis, happily, by an instant decision, retreated by the road leading from Barren Hill church to Matson's Ford, and had nearly effected his retreat over the Schuylkill before the enemy were sensible of their error. They then doubled their pace to come up with his rear; but his retreat was so handsome and timely, that the troops were all crossed and formed before they could come near the ford in force. His whole loss was no more than nine men. The American army had early information of the marquis's danger, and were in great anxiety about him. They began firing some of their heaviest artillery, hoping as the wind being fair, the sound would be conveyed to the enemy in such a manner as to excite mistaken apprehensions; which they think was the case, as the enemy, after the marquis had crossed, made a precipitate march back to Philadelphia, seemingly under an apprehension that they should be pursued and attacked by the whole army. Had General Grant marched down at once to Matson's Ford, and secured it, the marquis, with his select corps, must have surrendered or been cut to pieces; and their loss would have al· most fatally endangered the entire army.

CH. IV.]

ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION.

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APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IV.

I. ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION.

To all to whom these presents shall come, we, the undersigned, delegates of the states affixed to our names, send greeting.

WHEREAS, the delegates of the United States of America in Congress assembled, did, on the fifteenth day of November, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventyseven, and in the second year of the independence of America, agree to certain Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, in the words following, viz. :—— Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia.

ARTICLE 1. The style of this confederacy shall be, "The United States of America."

ARTICLE 2. Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Confederation expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled.

ARTICLE 3. The said states hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their common defence, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare; binding themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence what

ever.

ARTICLE 4. The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship, and intercourse among the people of the different states in this Union, the free inhabitants of each of these states, paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from justice, excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several states; and the people of each state shall have free ingress and regress to and from any other state, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same duties, impositions, and restrictions, as the inhabitants thereof respectively, provided that such restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported into any state to any other state, of which the owner is an inhabitant; provided also, that no imposition, duties, or restriction, shall be laid by any state on the property of the United States or either of them.

If any person guilty of or charged with treason, felony, or other high misdemeanor, in any state, shall flee from justice, and be found in any of the United States, he shall, upon demand of the governor or executive power of the state from which he fled, be delivered up and removed to the state having jurisdiction of his offence.

Full faith and credit shall be given in each of these states to the records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other state.

ARTICLE 5. For the more convenient management of the general interests of the United States, delegates shall be annually appointed in such manner as the legislature of each state shall direct to meet in Congress on the first Monday in November, in every year, with a power reserved to each state to recall its delegates or any of them, at any time within the year, and to send others in their stead for the remainder of the year.

No state shall be represented in Congress by

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