Who loses, and who wins, who's in, who's out,

And take upon us the mysteries of things,

As if we were God's spies!

The truth is, we are not blind to the difficulties of our undertaking. We have not disguised from ourselves, that we have many obstacles to encounter, many hazards to undergo, and much opposition to surmount. The whole army of zealots will be our enemies: the whole phalanx of the press will be arrayed against us: the whole pack of Publishers, and Reviewers, and Magazine-makers, will rush upon us in full cry, and try to hunt us down and tear us to pieces, almost before we have broken cover.

Whither then shall we fly for shelter and protection ?To the Public. Public favour is our only resource, our only safe-guard. To you, our countrymen, we once more address ourselves. Upon you we are entirely thrown. Unconnected with party-unpropped by the common helps of authorship, our very independence makes us more dependent upon you. We are amenable to the tribunal of your opinion. There is neither escape from it, nor appeal: for we dare not venture to hope that our appeal to posterity would be heard. And we are the more anxious about your verdict, because we are indifferent to any other. "Provoco ad populum" is the declaration of every member of our council. We ask you, then, will you assist us in introducing a new system of thinking and writing upon political subjects? Will you assist us in demolishing a corrupt system of literature and criticism? Will you assist us in befriending the poor? in overlooking the morals, and extending the comforts of social life? Will you assist us in our task of universal inquiry, and censorship, and superintendence? If you will, we, on our parts, will lay the axe to the root: we will attack the present system in its very foundation : we will not be moved one inch from our straight path by interest or fear we will cheerfully devote our lives and labours to your service; and, as our only reward, we will look to that honest fame, and that honest emolument, which must naturally attend a comprehensive project of this kind when liberally supported by the public favour. If your assistance is not wanting to us, we shall not be wanting to

ourselves. We know our good intentions: yet we fear at times that we shall not have stamped the desired impression. upon your minds, when we feel how little we have been able to satisfy ourselves.

Perhaps, the very proposal of our scheme may be called an act of unwarrantable presumption. If it be so, we shall be sorry but we cannot help it. No apology is due, in our opinion, for a wish to benefit our country and mankind: and we disdain to attempt any. Yet we can affirm with truth, that if the plan of any existing association or publication, coincided with our views, as to the nature of its objects; the methods of prosecuting them, and the scale of its operations-in that case the Council of Ten would never have been instituted. We should have been content to be auxiliaries; we should not have subjected ourselves to certain toil, and obloquy, and hazard; or exposed ourselves in the very front and fury of the battle.

Again, notwithstanding all that we have said, our sincerity and our impartiality may be doubted. Alas! how should it be otherwise?—in the present state of things such doubts and suspicions are too natural. As long as it is the fashion with politicians to advance pretensions to disinterestedness, and meditate private gain; to talk of the public good, and think only of themselves; to hold out the promise of pure devotion to the common weal, and keep their eyes fixed upon objects of personal ambition: or as long as writers assume airs of independence, and exert all their means to promote the exaltation of one party, and the downfal of the other; or affect carelessness as to whom they shall offend or please, but are found on all occasions either paying court to the ministry, or heaping adulation upon the popular leaders :-so long we know and feel not only the imprudence, but the danger, of making loud professions and urging exalted claims; for we are writersand would be thought politicians.

Yet the earnestness of our professions may be some guarantee, that we shall not act in opposition to them; the uncompromising decision of our promises may be some se curity, that we shall not break them. They must cut off our retreat within the pale of any party; or if we ever so

far debase ourselves, as to become the creatures of a ministry or an opposition, the mere tools of one side or the other; to follow any men whatever over the rough and over the smooth, through the mud and through the mire; to endeavour to wash them clean, when the filth of corruption is upon them: then may our conduct be contrasted with these our promises and professions; then will they rise up in judgment against us; stare us in the face, to appal and cover us with confusion, like the ghosts of those whom we have murdered. Then must we be disgraced and dishonoured men through life-figures at whom "the hand of scorn may point his slow unmoving finger," in bitter and contumelious derision.

But there is another and much better guarantee in the very greatness and splendour of our objects. If we are ambitious, ours is not low and ordinary ambition; if we are greedy of political distinction, it is not the distinction of being cried up and applauded by the hollow praises of interested men. What! shall we exchange the noble hopes and expectations, which we have formed, for some wretched pittance, to be given or withdrawn at the pleasure of a patron? Shall we barter the glorious meed, which we consider almost within our grasp, for some paltry prize in the lottery of preferment? shall we put our credit with that nation, on which we absolutely, depend, into jeopardynay, into the jaws of certain destruction, for the sake of watching the countenance, and being at the mercy of a Minister? Shall we play the parts of pimps and panders, instead of executing the office of superintendence and control? Shall we, who aspire to check and overlook all parties, truckle and be subservient to any? We will never be guilty of such outrageous folly. If all higher emotions were dead within us, the sense of interest would keep us honest.

If we must still be doubted, we care less for ourselves than for the age. We have not been tried. But it is indeed a bad sign of the times, if the very pretension to public virtue is become a matter of sarcasm and laughter. We have now only two words to say upon the nature of

the communications which we desire. We shall be thankful for any piece of information, however short, if it be accurate; for any production, however unpretending, if it be conducive to a political and moral purpose. While this end is kept in view, we shall receive with pleasure any style of composition, elaborate or easy, serious or lively, in prose or in verse. We shall give peculiar attention to any hints and suggestions, from plain practical men; from such as are men of the world, and not professional authors, who wish to present the result of their studies or inquiries, but would avoid the "the great pain and peril of childbirth," which attends the conception and production of every offspring of intellect or imagination. In the first place, we shall be glad of any communications, relative to the alteration or extension of our plan; and we hope, that such communications will be immediate. With all communications, we must request, either the name of the party, or some ready means of ascertaining it.

But we have done. We now leave our plan in the hands of the public. To pretend that we are indifferent about its reception, where we have staked much, and our interests are deeply concerned, would be foolish and frivolous affectation. To suppose that our merits are such, as may relieve us from anxiety, would be the wildest arrogance We wait for the verdict of the nation. If it be given against us, we shall not trouble it with querulous lamentations, or sullen resentment. We may not be supposed to acquiesce entirely in its judgment; but we well know that it is useless to resist it. We shall not murmur forth any impotent threats, or mutter in our teeth any angry imprecations. Yet we hope for better things. We trust that we have not scattered our seed upon stony ground. We are sure of our own motives and intentions; but the consciousness of meaning well is not enough: we must also feel the certainty that we are doing good. That knowledge must be impressed upon our minds, to exhilarate, to animate, and to console us; to nerve us with strength, to inspire us with energy; to fortify us with resolution; otherwise we must soon throw away our writings in dis

gust; for our whole aim and object will be frustrated. We should sink under the burden of our toils, if we saw that our efforts were regarded with cold apathy, or neglectful disdain; if we found, that to the irksomeness of our labours must be added the sickening and disheartening reflection, that we were labouring in vain.