vidual who had contributed to his losses, or against himself. His former enemies lost much of their old feelings toward him in admiration of his unmurmuring acceptance of a fate which, without fault of his own, thus came to overshadow the close of his career. A sale of his property at that time would have been the merest sacrifice; and he refused unconditionally to accept a loan or gift from the State treasury, as was suggested by his friends. Early in 1826, he petitioned the legislature to allow him to dispose of his personal effects by lottery, a means, as he wrote Madison, "often resorted to before the Revolution to effect large sales, and still in constant usage in every State for individual as well as corporation purposes. If it is permitted in my case, my land here alone, with the mills, etc., will pay everything, and leave me Monticello and a farm free. If refused, I must sell everything here, perhaps considerable in Bedford, move thither with my family, where I have not even a log hut to put my head into, and whether ground for burial, will depend upon the depredations, which, under the form of sales, shall have been committed upon my property." He also drew up for submission to the legislature a paper called "Thoughts on Lotteries," his last document of a public nature. In it he took the ground that there was nothing immoral in a lottery scheme of itself, for every pursuit might in a certain sense be said to be a lottery; and he cited numerous instances of its employment in Virginia for various public enterprises, for private societies and individuals, and even for religious congregations. The threatened opposition died out, and the bill to authorize his request was passed without trouble. But it was not carried into effect during Jefferson's lifetime. Other States through their large cities came forward and fulfilled the duty which Virginia neglected. Sums were raised by popular subscription, and promptly forwarded to him. He had no hesitation in receiving these, and he did so with a feeling of mingled gratitude and pride that his public services were thus remembered. As it was, when the lottery was held it failed to realize the half of the sum hoped for; and his lands put up for sale fell far short of their original cost. It was a blessing that Jeffer son had not lived to see this, or the loss of his home and estate to his daughter's family. Through the spring of 1826, Jefferson's health failed rapidly. He still took his daily ride on horseback, refusing to be accompanied by a servant; but before the summer he had grown too weak to move from his chair and couch. His mind, however, retained its power and clearness throughout. He read much in the Bible and in the Greek tragedians and wrote several letters of some length, the last being dated June 24th. It was an acknowledgment of an invitation to be present in Washington City at the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the Declaration of American Independence. From the middle of June, the strength still left in his once powerful frame rapidly declined, and he quietly breathed his last shortly after mid-day of July 4th, a few hours after his old colleague, opponent, and devoted friend, John Adams, had passed away. Jefferson was laid to rest by the side of the wife whom he had so fondly loved, and within sight of the stately buildings to which the thought and activity of his last years had been devoted. On his simple tombstone is the inscription: Here was buried American Independence of the Statute of Virginia Religious Freedom Born April 2, 1743, O. S. Died July 4, 1826. THE WRITINGS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON, CONSISTING OF HIS PRINCIPAL STATE PAPERS, PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. EXPLANATION OF REFERENCES: F-Ford's Writings of Jefferson. C-Congressional Edition of Jefferson's Works. ACADEMY, A NATIONAL.-I have often wished we could have a philosophical society or academy so organized as that while the central academy should be at the seat of government, its members dispersed over the State should constitute filiated academies in each State, and publish their communications, from which the central academy should select what should be most choice. In this way all the members wheresoever dispersed might be brought into action, and an useful emulation might arise between the filiated societies. Perhaps the great societies now existing might incorporate themselves in this way with the National one. (To Joel Barlow, 1805, F. VIII., 425.) ADAMS, JOHN.-His [John Adams'] vanity is a lineament in his character which has entirely escaped me. His want of taste I had observed. Notwithstanding all this, he has a sound head on substantial points, and I think he has integrity. I am glad, therefore, he is of the commission for negotiating peace and expect he will be useful in it. His dislike of all parties, and all men, by balancing his prejudices, may give them some fair play to his reason as would a general benevolence of temper. At any rate honesty may be extracted from poisonous weeds. (To James Madison, 1783. F. III., 310.) ADAMS, JOHN.—I am afraid the indiscretion of a printer has committed me with my friend Mr. Adams, for whom as one of the most honest and disinterested men alive I have a cordial esteem, increased by long habits of concurrence in opinion in 134 the days of his Republicanism; and ever since his apostasy to hereditary monarchy and nobility, though we differ, we differ as friends should do. (To Washington, 1791, F. V., 329.) ADAMS, JOHN.-That your administration may be filled with glory and happiness to yourself and advantage to us is the sincere wish of one, who, though in the course of our own voyage through life various little incidents have happened or been contrived to separate us, retains still for you the solid esteem of the moments when we were working for our independence, and sentiments of respect and affectionate attachment. (To John Adams, 1797. F. VII., 98.) ADAMS, SAMUEL.-A letter from you, my respectable friend, after three and twenty years of separation, has given me a pleasure I cannot express. It recalls to my mind the anxious days we then passed in struggling for mankind. Your principles have been tested in the crucible of time and have come out pure. You have proved that it was monarchy, and not merely British monarchy, you opposed. A government by representation, elected by the people at short periods, was our object; and our maxim at that day was "where annual election ends, tyranny begins;" nor have our departures from it been sanctioned by the happiness of their effect. (To Samuel Adams, 1800. F. VII., 425.) ADAMS, SAMUEL.-In meditating the matter of that address [the first inaugural] I often asked myself is this exactly in the spirit of the patriarch of liberty, Samuel Adams? Is it as he would express it? Will he approve of it? I have felt a great deal for our country in the times we have seen. But individually for no one as for yourself. When I have been told that you were avoided, insulted, frowned on, I could but ejaculate, 'Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do.' I confess I felt an indignation for you which for myself I have been able under every trial to keep entirely passive. However, the storm is over, and we are in port. (To Samuel Adams, 1801. F. VIII., 38.) ADAMS, SAMUEL.-I can say he was a truly great man, wise in council, fertile in resources, immovable in his purposes, and had, I think, a greater share than any other member in advis ing and directing our measures in the northern war especially. As a speaker he could not be compared with his living colleague and namesake whose deep conceptions, nervous style, and undaunted firmness made him truly our bulwark in debate. But Mr. Samuel Adams, although not of fluent elocution, was so rigorously logical, so clear in his views, abundant in good sense, and master always of his subject that he commanded the most profound attention whenever he arose in an assembly by which the froth of declaration was heard with the most sovereign contempt. (To S. A. Wells, 1819. C. VII., 126.) AFFLICTION.-Deeply practiced in the school of affliction, the human heart knows no joy which I have not lost, no sorrow of which I have not drunk! Fortune can present no grief of unknown form to me. Who then can so softly bind up the wound of another as he who has felt the same wound himself. (To Mrs. Maria Cosway. Written in Paris, 1786. F. IV., 316.) AGRICULTURE.-To remove as much as possible the occasions of making war, it might be better for us to abandon the ocean altogether, that being the element whereon we shall be principally exposed to jostle with other nations; to leave to others to bring what we shall want, and to carry what we can spare. This would make us invulnerable to Europe, by offering none of our property to their prize, and would turn all our citizens to the cultivation of the earth; and I repeat it again, cultivators of the earth are the most virtuous and independent citizens. (From "Notes on Virginia," 1782. F. III.) AGRICULTURE.—We have an immensity of land courting the industry of the husbandman. Is it best then that all our citizens should be employed in its improvement, or that one-half should be called off from that to exercise manufactures and handicraft arts for the other? Those who labor in the earth are the chosen people of God, if he ever had a chosen people, whose breasts he has made his peculiar deposit for substantial and genuine virtue. It is the focus in which he keeps alive that sacred fire, which otherwise might escape from the earth. Corruption of morals in the mass of cultivators is a phenomenon of which no |