H. OF R. Non-Importation of Goods from Great Britain. a few observations on the subject now under consideration, but I will not detain the Committee more than a few minutes. The resolution on your table is denounced by gentlemen as a war measure, but I cannot discern its tendency to that point. It is acknowledged on all hands that we have received from Great Britain repeated and grievous injuries. The whole American people are alarmed, and their feelings excited by the reiterated acts of oppression and insult. A gentleman from Georgia has told you that our constituents have not dictated any measures; it is true, they have not dictated, but they have complained, and they look up to the collected wisdom of Congress to devise a remedy for the evils under which they are laboring. This is the business upon which we are in part assembled, and it is the most important to which our attention will be called; we should therefore engage in it with all that seriousness and impartiality which its importance demands. Every member should divest himself of all national and party prejudice when he decides on a question in which the interest of his country is so deeply concerned. And can we, as men and as patriots, tamely submit to have our seamen impressed, and forced to fight the battles of a foreign nation, and to have our commerce embarrassed, interrupted, and perplexed, and the property of our citizens engaged therein condemned and made the property of the unjust captors? I trust not. MARCH, 1806. to do as she wishes to be done by—and an amicable settlement will immediately ensue. We are, however, told that Great Britain will have no respect to the law of nature, the law of nations, or the principles of justice; that she will measure the rule of right only by the length of her sword; and that she is all-powerful by sea, and able to crush us before her. This is a distressing picture, indeed; but really I do not know that she has become so superlatively corrupt, and I do not believe she has. I trust she has some sense of right and wrong left, and some regard to the opinions of other nations. If I thought otherwise, I should be disposed to break off all intercourse of every kind, and withdraw from the touch of a being so highly polluted. And is her power irresistible? I have had some experience of her power, and I see no just cause to be alarmed. The people of the United States have no such mighty reason to fear her wrath. They know, from experience, her power is not irresistible. They have met it-they have repelled it. I should, indeed, fear to give her just cause of offence, and Congress ought to abstain from doing any improper or unjust act towards her. We ought to do nothing but what we could justify to ourselves, to our God, and to all the nations of the earth. With this confidence, we may safely trust the consequences to the direction of Heaven. It is a sound maxim, that it is better to endure the greatest inconveniences and evils than submit to reiterated wrongs But we are told that peace is of all things most and insults. We have suffered repeated wrongs. desirable, and that by stopping importation from The measure before us is justifiable upon every Great Britain we shall provoke the wrath of that principle of the law of nature or of nations. It is nation, and plunge our country into a most de- only necessary, then, to inquire whether it is wise structive warfare. But, sir, is this a true state of and politic to adopt it in the present form. In the case? Will this measure justify Great Britain this inquiry, all our discretion, all our wisdom, and in retaliating upon us in any hostile acts? Cer- all our patriotism, unfettered by prejudice or partainly not. I have an unquestionable right to em- tiality, should be called in to our aid. Will the ploy or not to employ any mechanic or manufac-measure react upon Great Britain so as to induce turer, as my interest or convenience shall direct; and a nation has an equal right to trade or not to trade with another nation, as it may suit their policy so to do. We do not thereby infringe on any of their perfect rights; nay, I do not know that by refusing to receive the products of a nation we do thereby violate any of her imperfect rights. And let it be remembered, that no nation is justified in making war upon another, unless some of her perfect rights are invaded. Nor is every accidental violation of a perfect right considered as a just cause of war. The injury must be repeated, and every other mode of redress exhausted, or at least become extremely precarious, before a nation can justify herself in resorting to force. We have suffered an invasion of a national right, but we only wish to have recourse to peaceable means of redress-to withhold in a degree our intercourse with the nation from whom we have received the injury. If we adopt the resolution, Great Britain will have no pretext for making war. She will know the precise terms upon which she can regain our trade and friendly intercourse. The preamble will direct her inquiries, and lead her to the goal whenever she desires it. She will only have to cease from doing evil-to respect our rights her to relinquish her unjust claim to the capture of our ships and release of our seamen, or will it not? Or will it produce a reaction upon ourselves, which will be felt most sensibly by our citizens, and by our Government? These are the important and the only questions which we have to consider; and it is our duty to consider them fully, with all their bearings and tendencies. I confess I am not without doubts on the subject. That it will give us some shock, cannot rationally be questioned. Our revenue will doubtless be affected in some degree, and its clear amount diminished, at least for a time. Inconveniences will arise from the want of some of those articles of consumption which habit has rendered agreeable and useful; but these evils may and will be cheerfully borne, if they will tend to produce a great national good, and free our commerce from those injuries which it has sustained and continues to sustain from the depredations of Great Britain. If the manufactures of that nation are as important to her prosperity and strength as some of our wisest and best informed statesmen have represented, she willshe must-yield to our equitable demand, or bring upon herself an accumulated weight of distress. Some gentlemen have said that this is an im MARCH, 1806. Non-Importation of Goods from Great Britain. H. OF R. proper time to react upon Great Britain; that she has been said that we are injured only in our caris now contending with the most powerful despotrying trade, which has been represented as of little on earth for her liberties, and for her very existence; that she is now doing that for the freedom of nations which revolutionary France was doing some years ago; and that her sensibility will be excited by every measure which may have a tendency to affect and injure her in her struggle. I confess it would be ungenerous to press her unreasonably at this time, but surely it is not improper to call upon her in any way we think politic for justice, and the free exercise of our independent rights. These we are entitled to, and these she ought to yield us, or she cannot expect our friendship; and this is the most suitable time to call loudly upon her for them. She will, I trust-she most-give up her unjust claims, if we persist in this measure for any considerable time, or the consequences will be more injurious to her than any advantage her present conduct gives her. consequence, and not worth the expense necessary to defend it. This appears to be the idea which the gentlemen from Virginia and Georgia entertain of the business; but the subject presents itself to me in a very different complexion. To me it appears far more important to the United States than they represent. I consider it highly interesting not only to our merchants, but to our agricultural citizens. If we should abandon this trade totally, our wheat, corn, beef, pork, and other products of the Middle States, would shortly become a drug, and the price of them be greatly diminished in our market towns. Perhaps the Southern States might find a market in the ports of Great Britain for their cotton and tobacco: but if the carrying trade should be relinquished, the best market for those other staple productions of our country would be shut to us. By carrying If, however, the resolution now under consid- these commodities to a foreign market, there exeration should be thought going too far, let us take changing them for the productions of that country, up one less extensive and less energetic. A high and after bringing them to our ports, exporting degree of unanimity is extremely desirable on this the surplus of them as well as some of our own important occasion. I am willing to meet gentle-productions to another foreign country-by men on any ground which may be thought tena- which trade we are enabled as well to sell our ble. If a total non-importation is not advisable, surplus produce, as to pay for the manufactures of let us resort to a partial one, and adopt a measure Great Britain which we consume. Further, embracing the object contemplated by the resolu- would it not be highly degrading to our national tion offered by the gentleman from Maryland. character to relinquish so just and advantageous We certainly ought, and we must, do something. a trade to justify the whim, interest, or caprice of Your table, Mr. Chairman, is loaded with com- any nation? If we permit Great Britain to subplaints from all quarters of grievances and insults stantiate her present doctrines, she will most astoo intolerable to be borne by any people. It is suredly extend in her demands and the strictness true, the gentleman from Georgia has said the of her doctrines, until she leaves us no trade worth citizens of this country have a very imperfect defending, neither circuitous nor direct. But shall and incorrect view of this subject; and that they we tamely submit, without one effort to escape this have been imposed upon and misinformed by mer- degradation? Shall we not rather do what is in chants, whose cupidity has led them to sound the our power to ward off the evils that surround us? alarm; and that, when they shall be correctly in- The gentleman from Georgia has said that he formed, and come to have true ideas on the sub- should be ashamed to meet his constituents if he ject of our differences with Great Britain, not one should give his assent to the proposition before in ten will be found in favor of any measure in us. But whatever may be the sentiments of the the form of the proposition on your table. But people of the South, I believe those to the EastI trust the more the people are informed on the ward would be dissatisfied if we should rise withsubject of their complaints, the louder and the out taking any measures upon this momentous more impressive will they become. It is the in-subject. They look for something from our hands, juries they observe and feel, not the representa- and I hope we shall not rise until we have devitions of interested men, that excite in them the sed, and put in operation some plan whereby we sentiments they have expressed. Under these may redress the grievances under which our citicircumstances, and amidst the variety of com-zens groan, and of which they have so loudly plaints, shall we remain quiet? Shall we continue in session four or five months, at the public expense, remaining deaf to the cries of our citizens, and depart without affording them any relief? I hope not. We cannot expect to enjoy the privileges and advantages of our independence unless we firmly and resolutely maintain Mr. Cook submitted a resolution, for the conthem. As an independent nation, we should feel tinuance of the duty of two and a half per cent. no partialities towards any of the European na- on goods chargeable with ad-valorem duties, comtions, but treat them all with justice and human-monly called the Mediterranean fund, on the conity, meeting their friendship by returns of friendly actions, and repelling their aggressions by lenient but manly firmness. Much pains has been taken to represent our complaints as trivial and incapable of redress. It complained. The Committee now rose, and had leave to sit again. SATURDAY, March 8. dition that the same be exclusively applied to the augmentation and support of the naval force, and the protection of our ports and harbors against insults and injuries.-Ordered to lie on the table. The SPEAKER laid before the House a letter H. OF R. Non-Importation of Goods from Great Britain. from the Secretary of State, accompanying statements of applications made to the British Government, in cases of impressment of American seamen, prepared in obedience of a resolution of the House, of the sixth of January last; which were read, and referred to the consideration of a Committee of the whole House on the state of the Union. The report is as follows: DEPARTMENT OF STATE, March 5, 1806. The Secretary of State, in compliance with the order of the House of Representatives of the 16th of January, directing him to lay before it "a return of the number of American seamen who have been impressed or detained by the ships of war or privateers of Great Britain, whose names have been reported to the Department of State, since the statement was made to the House, at the last session of Congress; mentioning the names of the persons impressed, with the names of the ships or vessels by which they were impressed, and the time of the impressment; together with any facts and circumstances in relation to the same, which may have been reported to him: stating also the whole number of American seamen impressed, from the commencement of the present war in Europe, and including in a separate column the number of passengers, if any, who may have been taken out of American vessels coming to the United States from Europe," has the honor to transmit herewith the names of nine hundred and thirteen persons who appear to have been impressed from American vessels, and whose names have been reported to the Department of State since the last statement was made to Congress; together with a discrimination in the particulars required by the order, except as hereafter mentioned. The aggregate number of impressments into the British service, the commencement of the present war in Europe, is found to be two thousand two hundred and seventy-three. It is not easy to distinguish, with accuracy, how many of these persons were really not citizens of the United States, but the column of remarks, added to the list in lieu of this discrimination, will exhibit some ground for judging of the fact. It has not been deemed necessary to make a separate column for impressed passengers, as this description of persons have been reported to have been impressed but in the few cases subjoined. MARCH, 1806. on the fifth instant. on the petition of Robert Brent and others, Commissioners of the Levy Court, for the county of Washington. IMPORTATION OF BRITISH GOODS. The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, on Mr. GREGG's resolution. Mr. ELLIOT. To replace the present question upon the ground which it originally occupied, to examine it with a view to its real merits, and its merits alone, however hopeless might be the task, would certainly be a very useful one. It has indeed been considered as indicative of a species of madness to attempt to stem a torrent which is known to be irresistible; but it is said that there is sometimes method in madness, and there is always honor in a gallant death in a good cause. It is in vain to conceal the fact that this resolution is devoted to destruction; but its supporters owe something to their own feelings, and they owe much more to their country. It will probably be admitted, Mr. Chairman, on both sides of the House-for it will not be pretended that there are more than two sides upon the present occasion, whatever confusion of parties may sometimes appear to exist upon this floor-that a more interesting crisis of our national concerns than the present, in reference to foreign relations, has not existed since the adoption of the present Constitution. Some of the best interests of our country are at stake. But it is not believed by all that our Constitution and liberties are involved in any possible issue of this question. Before we even had a Constitution, while the elements of our political system were almost without form, and void, the liberties of this people were safe in their own hands, and trumphant over the power of that nation whose vengeance, it is said, we shall provoke by the adoption of this resolution. Our Constitution and liberties are safe. The scene is not so awful, but it is impressive. I repeat it, sir, we owe much to our country. The friends of the resolution are prepared for the fate that awaits it; but they have taken their ground from reflection, and they cannot, they will not abandon it against conviction, until overpowered, as indubitably they will be, in the contest. It is proper to observe, that a small part only of the period since the last statement there was an agent for seamen for the Leeward islands at Jamaica; the gentleman who then held the charge having resigned it, and Two classes of arguments are marshalled in another, who had been appointed to succeed him, hav-opposition to the motion, one of which is addressing declined accepting it. The agent appointed for ed to our hopes, and the other to our fears. To Antigua having been absent from that island since his our hopes of what? Of honorable and successappointment in May last, no returns have been received ful negotiation, if this measure be abandoned. from the Windward islands. From these circumstances Great Britain will do us justice if we ask it once it is very probable, that many impressments have been more. On what is this hope founded? Let us made in the West Indian seas, which, though of recent not go too far back. It was said in ancient times date, are not included in the present report. to be dangerous, and doubtless it is dangerous still, All which is respectfully submitted. to rake open the ashes of a flame not yet extinguished. Do our hopes repose upon events of recent date? Upon the long-continued impressment into her naval service of many of our useful citizens, citizens entitled to the same rights with ourselves, except that they are not delegated to represent the people within these walls? An outrage which no nation but Great Britain practices, and to which no nation but America sub JAMES MADISON. A memorial of the Corporation of Georgetown, in the District of Columbia, was presented to the House and read, praying that the Levy Court of the county of Washington may be authorized to levy and collect a tax on taxable property within the City of Washington, for the purpose therein mentioned. Referred to the committee appointed, MARCH, 1806. Non-Importation of Goods from Great Britain. mits. Upon the constant interpolation of new principles, destructive of our neutral rights, into the venerable code of the laws of nature and nations, or rather the systematic perversion and prostration, to our serious injury, of some of the most sacred principles of those laws. We can soon dismiss this branch of the subject. Cooliy and deliberately systematic, severe and unbending, has the injurious conduct of Great Britain toward us long been. Unconnected with strong measures on our part we can discern no reasonable ground for hopes so flattering. Prospects so delusive have no charms for the supporters of the resolution. We repose no confidence upon the justice and liberality of Great Britain, further than as those virtues may correspond with her interest. To that we wish to make an appeal. With myself it has long been a settled opinion, that she would go to war with us whenever it should be her interest to do so. We wish for peace, we raise our voices for negotiation, but for negotiation sustained by measures of an energetic and commanding character. The other class of arguments is addressed exclusively, permit me, sir, to say exclusively, to our fears. Gentlemen have taken a gloomy view, indeed, of this part of the subject. While we can hope nothing, we must fear everything from the adoption of the measure. We shall injure ourselves greatly, and Great Britain not at all; we shall inflict a deep and fatal wound upon the agriculture of our country; we shall sacrifice the interests of the people of the Southern portion of the Union, by provoking retaliation, to the preclusion of the only market for their staple commodities, besides subjecting them to the deprivation of foreign manufactures without which they cannot subsist; we shall destroy the most productive source of the national revenue; we cannot, after all, support the system; we must abandon it with disgrace, or persist in it to our destruction. It will even produce war with all its horrors, and the destruction of the Constitution. It is at one moment a weak measure, at another a war measure, and sometimes both. Do we get over or go around these objections? Do we not state them in their full force, and meet them fairly? Formidable as they are, we shall even endeavor to repel them. One of those great men of whom modern times have been so justly proud, a writer whose rare combination of the powers of mind, render him at once eloquent and sagacious, has advanced a principle which forms an excellent corner stone for the superstructure of argument on which the friends of the resolution rely. Peace is the natural effect of trade. Two nations in habits of commercial intercourse have reciprocal interests; if one has an interest in buying, the other has an interest in selling; and their mutual wants and interests cement their union. The quotation is not verbal, but substantial; it is from memory. Had the immortal author of the Spirit of Laws been gifted with prophetic powers, he could not have described with more accuracy the relative situation of Great Britain and the United States at the present time. To prove this H. of R. Almost half our imports, therefore, are from the British dominions, and the balance of trade is twelve millions of dollars against us. However inaccurate or inconclusive may be the ideas sometimes annexed to what is called the balance of trade, it is evident to common sense that the nation which sells to another every year manufaetures of the value of twelve millions beyond the whole value of the productions of the other nation which she buys, must be carrying on, in that particular, a very profitable commerce. It was said by sages of old time, that, whoever Deity determined to destroy, he first made mad. Is Great Britain devoted by Providence to destruction? Can she be so mad, so outrageously and incurably mad, as to deprive herself forever of this very gainful commerce, in revenge for our exercising an unquestionable right, in consequence of the wrongs we suffer? Can her wise Government, for wise it certainly is, adopt so strange a course of conduct? But, after all, many are skeptical as to the injury to be done to Great Britain. I am not one of those who anticipate the ruin of her manufacturing establishments from this measure, and perhaps they will not even be paralyzed, but her manufactures will certainly diminish in price, and she will be under the necessity of searching out new channels of trade by which to pour H. OF R. Non-Importation of Goods from Great Britain. MARCH, 1806. prices. This increase of the price of articles for our own consumption will be a disadvantage, but we must bear a temporary and partial evil with a view to ultimate and general good. The effect of this measure upon the revenue is a subject of great alarm; it is to render us bankrupt in fortune as well as reputation. The annual revenue of the United States, on an average of the three last years, has been $11,550,000, of which $5,432,000, are derived from our imports from the British dominions, and $6,118,000 from our imports from the rest of the world. This is certainly a very serious view of the subject; but we believe that this measure will not produce war, and of course that it will not paralyze our commerce. Our merchants will still be enterprising, and will have new inducements to enterprise; our flag will still wave on every sea and in every clime; from new sources and channels of commerce we shall derive articles similar to those now imported from Britain, or tolerable substitutes; and the increased price of those articles will add something to the revenue, while it will be in some degree diminished by the general effect. Gentlemen of great commercial information, have calculated that the revenue will not be diminished to the amount of one million; but let us suppose that it will be lessened two millions, or even $2,550,000. With only nine millions instead of eleven and a half, it is certain we cannot expend three or four millions for the support of Government, and sustain besides the annual appropriation of eight millions for the payment of the national debt. But let us suppose the worst, and what follows? We may submit to the usurpations of Great Britain on the ocean, we may throw at her feet everything but nominal independence and honor, we may disgrace and degrade ourselves in the eyes of the world, and we shall extinguish our national debt in 1816, 1817, or 1818. them off from her shores; this may be the extent | importations from Great Britain at reduced of the injury, but it will be sufficiently serious to induce her to do us justice. It is contended that the injury to ourselves will be incalculable. I think it may easily be estimated. It will be nothing more, calculating upon the continuance of peace, than a small augmentation of the price of the articles which we shall obtain as substitutes for British goods, a temporary fall of the prices of some of our own productions, and a small decrease of the revenue. But it is thought by some that we must starve or freeze in six months without British commerce. Are the days of the Revolution so soon forgotten? Of our annual imports from Great Britain, of the value of about twenty-seven millions and a half of dollars, upward of twenty-six millions in value, is composed of goods paying duties ad valorem, and embracing, with inconsiderable exceptions, all the woollen, cotton, linen, silk, metal, earthen, glass, and paper manufactures, and only $1,340,000 of articles paying specific duties, and consisting principally of salt, steel, lead, nails, and porter. These, it is said, cannot be obtained elsewhere, particularly coarse woollens; and we shall be told that our habits have placed them upon the list of necessaries. But our habits can change. Our importations are chiefly composed of the luxuries and conveniences of apparel. If the public good require it, we may dispense with luxuries, or rather our conveniences may become luxuries, our necessaries conveniences. The truth, however, is, that we can obtain similar articles, or tolerable substitutes, on the continent of Europe. From Spain we can get silk handkerchiefs and velvets, as well as wines and fruits. From Portugal, not only fruits and oils, the product of that country and of Italy, but Lisbon salt in any quantity, wine, brandy, and some East India goods. From France, wrought silks, superfine broadcloths, calicoes, and chintzes, printed goods, linens, cambrics, lawns, lace, cotton fabrics, salt, writing paper, brandy, wines, and all On the other hand, we may assume a manly the productions of Italy and the Levant. From and dignified national spirit, we may recall the Germany, Holland, and the north of Europe, sev- principles and the habits of the Revolution, we eral kinds of linen, cotton, and woollen manufac- may arm our Government with sufficient energy tures, broadcloths, kerseymeres, coarse woollens, to vindicate and maintain our national rights, we Russia sheeting, Silesian linens, cambrics, and may command respect from other nations, and we lawns, damasks and diapers, glass, copper, and shall extinguish our national debt in 1824, 1825, some iron manufactures, sheet copper, German or 1826. This may be the alternative in the last steel, cordage, looking-glasses, calicoes, brass ket-resort, but for the present we can increase the tles, and many other articles. It is admitted that there are some woollen manufactures in Germany, and some cotton ones in France. Almost all the countries of the continent of Europe, if not now manufacturers for exportation, may become such, if circumstances make it for their interest; and such will be the effect of our refusing to import British productions. It will give a stimulus to the manufactures of other countries which will produce great effects; in the natural course of things, it will induce those countries to form new manufacturing establishments, and to extend and improve their old ones. Besides, it will induce them to sell to us a great part of what they now consider as necessaries of life, on account of the advance of price, and to replace them by ratio, and of course the quantum of the duties which constitute the revenue. In hard times we must expect to bear hard burdens. The adoption of this measure, we are told, will throw an unequal and unreasonable weight upon our Southern brethren; it is feared that it will not only lessen the price, but utterly preclude the market, of their staple export commodities. Here we ought to pause and reflect; and if such an evil will flow from this source, we ought to abandon the project. Upon reflection, we do not believe that such will be the consequence. The two great articles of Southern exportation are cotton and tobacco. The value of our annual exports, for the three last years, to the dominions of Great Britain in Europe |