deavoured to spare you the knowledge of my guilt and my disgrace, and I have often seen with pain that the means I took were the cause of another affliction. You sometimes thought my reserve proceeded from estrangement and want of confidence. Will it not be a harder trial to learn that your only friend and protector is—a felon ?"

"“Oh, Carwell! think no more of the past; by whatever means you were betrayed into acts so foreign to your nature-you repent them, I know you do; if we escape the present danger, your future life will be what it always would have been but for-"

"No, interrupted my husband; "I must not deceive myself. Whatever my companions may be, and whatever reprehension they may deserve, more principle, more firmness on my part, would long since have freed me from the participation of their fraudful secret, from their ruin, disgrace, and, perhaps, from their-punishment." At the last word he hesitated; I saw he feared to suggest an idea, the horror of which I might not be able to sustain.

'I felt the blood curdle round my heart, and my lips parched by mental fever. The gloomy walls seemed to rock around me, and it was some time ere I could inquire what method we must take to secure professional assistance. Carwell spent some time in endeavours to console me, and to prepare my mind for the worst. But the generous devotion which led all his thoughts to devolve on my suffering, increased my misery. How many hours did I spend in mental prayer, yet prayed so distractedly, that though my heart was full of the sentiment of supplication, I knew not the words I used!

When the day closed, the pause of life which night seems to bring, allowed my mind to dwell without interruption on its distracting fears. It seemed as if any human being, however uncongenial, would have been welcome, if he broke the dismal silence, and spoke of any subject but that on which I dreaded to think, yet thought incessantly. The weary night seemed endless; and when towards morning I sunk into disturbed sleep, the horrors of reality pursued me. I saw the crowded court-the accusing witnesses-they seemed to multiply every moment. His witnesses do not appear when called-the judge rises to pass the sentence-I feel it will be unfavourable-it rings in my ear and I awake at my own shriek of despair!

Then, as the pale streaks that precede the dawn appeared through the narrow window that faced my solitary bed, I started to think that that very day would clear away some part of the obscurity which hid the future that very day might perhaps bring some encouragement which I might trust to, or some intelligence which would kill every hope that day I might learn that few more were destined to rise for Carwell!'

The authoress, who is said to be the widow of the man of wit and social fame, known familiarly under the name of Tom Sheridan, and who fell an early victim to the scourge of our climate, a pulmonary consumption, has not, or perhaps has not wished to, conceal her claims to the reputation which will doubtless attach itself to this little work.

ART. III-A Political and Historical Account of Lower Canada; with Remarks on the Present Situation of the People, as regards their Manners, Character, Religion, &c. &c. By A CANADIAN. London. W. Marsh and Alfred Miller, Oxford-street; Constable and Co. Edinburgh. 1830.

THE above work, which well deserves the attention of every one at all interested in the fate of the colony to which it relates, affords an opportunity of again recurring to the situation of Lower Canada. In former Numbers the vices of the Canadian government have been described, and an explanation of their causes attempted. The purpose now in view is to point out the only remedy for the evils then enumerated.

In performing this task frequent use, as mere matter of evidence, will be made of the publication, the title of which stands at the head of the present article. It will be requisite, therefore, to premise a few observations respecting the circumstances under which the work seems to have been composed, and also to offer some remarks as to the capacity and situation of its author.

The author in his preface describes himself as a Lower Canadian, who has for some years resided in England: from his work he seems to be in constant communication with his native country, and to take a deep interest in its concerns.

The population of Lower Canada is composed partly of English and their descendants,, and partly of descendants from the original French settlers of the colony; the latter forming at least nine-tenths of the whole. "The Canadian" is one of this French portion of the inhabitants.* His evidence therefore, if he is to be considered a fair specimen of his class, is of the highest possible importance, since it is an expression of the feelings common to the great body of the people in the colony, by which feelings alone can our government of the country be fairly estimated. That the opinions which he puts forth are those entertained by his countrymen generally, can easily be placed almost beyond a doubt. In February 1828, the people of Lower Canada presented petitions to the Imperial Parliament respecting certain grievances, which they believed to exist in the government of the colony. These petitions are acknowledged by every one to represent correctly the opinions of the French Canadian population. But these petitions are the very echo of "The Canadian's" assertions on all points connected

* It appears from the preface, that his work was "originally nearly all written in French."-p. xii. pref.

with the subjects to which the petitions relate. His book indeed embraces a much wider field than that which the object of the petitioners led them to consider: but seeing the perfect coincidence of "The Canadian" with his countrymen on the matters common to them both, it may with great safety be concluded that he represents their opinions fairly respecting those points also, whereon they have not yet had an opportunity of declaring their sentiments. On this ground, therefore, and on others that will be immediately apparent, "The Canadian's " assertions will be adduced throughout the following observations as strong evidence, when reference is made to the opinions of the Canadian people.

'The object of the work is to give a succinct detail of the government of the country thus described, from the epoch of its passing under the dominion of the English, down to the period of the termination of lord Dalhousie's administration in the year 1828. Into a very minute discussion of the proceedings of the colonial government, during the first years of the English rule, it is not my intention to enter; and with a cursory view of the more important legislative proceedings of the Imperial Parliament, I shall dismiss this early portion of our history: but as I come nearer to the present time a more particular detail will be required. I flatter myself that an exposition of the conduct of this specimen of colonial administration will not be entirely destitute of interest even to the English reader; it will give him an insight into the workings of a vast, and in my mind, an illconstructed machine of government; it will prove to him the pernicious consequences of having irresponsible rulers, and the utter impossibility of a well-organized administration being composed of persons drawn from a distant country, ignorant of the manners and situation of the people they are destined to rule, and careless of those interests with which they are but temporarily connected: it will exhibit to him a scene of complicated and vexatious oppression on the one side; of unsuspecting confidence and willing obedience, changed by ill-usage into distrust and opposition on the other: it will prove how the best intentions on the part of the English people have been constantly defeated, by the avarice and despotism of petty officers; it will teach him, in short, how a whole people have been checked in the progress of improvement, enthralled, ill-treated, abused, and then. misrepresented by the evil influence of a handful of grasping functionaries.'

'Having exposed the evils, it is, then, my intention to propose the remedies; to lay bare the injuries which my country has suffered ; to point out the means of redress. These are the sole objects of the present undertaking.'-pp. 4, 5.

The author next proceeds to give a short history of the most important and critical periods of the colonial history after which he enters into a general and highly interesting statement.

of the manners and feelings of the various portions of its motley population; their customs, religion and character. He then considers the state of education in the colony; points out the circumstances which have hitherto served to check its progress, and suggests a plan of general instruction. A chapter on the waste lands of the crown succeeds ;* and the main body of the work is closed by a chapter on the remedies for the various mischiefs previously detailed. An appendix containing various pieces justificatives, and statistic matters ends this interesting volume.

Writing under the influence of strong feelings on the different subjects which he handles, the author as was to be expected, assumes somewhat of the character of an advocate: his charges (usually indeed supported by documentary evidence), are expressed in energetic language, and his descriptions of his country and countrymen are somewhat en beau: the prejudices and errors of his class moreover are often apparent He writes in short rather in the manner of an enlightened, and patriotic Canadian, than of a cool and disinterested stranger. These circumstances enhance the value of the work; since it thus becomes more strictly an echo of the people's voice, and gives a more vivid and faithful idea of their present feelings and knowledge, than the most laboured description could possibly have afforded. The work, in short, is the production of a man of straight-forward good sense, and liberal spirit: of one who from much converse with the world has become shrewd in the detection of interested motives; and who, although travel and experience have dissipated in him the blind prejudice and partiality almost universally entertained by those who have been confined to one spot and heard but one set of opinions, still retains a strong tinge of the original feeling, character, and sympathies, which he acquired in youth, and among his own people. The reader having been thus made acquainted with the nature of a portion of the evidence about to be employed, we at once proceed to the more immediate subject of the present article; viz. a discussion of the remedies for the evils at present existing in the government of Lower Canada.

If the most excellent measure, both as regards the colony, and England, were to be proposed, there could be little hesitation in recommending the instant emancipation of the colony.

*This chapter contains a doctrine respecting the settlement of the waste lands of the country, generally received by the Canadians, but which nevertheless is untenable. This doctrine we purpose to consider in a future, number.

Our government is, and do what we can ever must be, a bitter grievance to the colonists; is, and ever must be an enormous, and unrequited expense to ourselves. We are erecting forts, digging military canals, maintaining armies at a ruinous cost, for no purpose whatever, that is beneficial to ourselves as a nation. True, indeed, some few of the aristocracy, and some dozens of their dependents are maintained under the pretence of superintending the erecting the forts, digging the canals, commanding the armies, and the ruling of the people. But the people can rule themselves better without, than with our assistance; it would be cheaper and wiser to pay at once and without any blind, or any pretence, the few persons now provided for in our colonies: since the paying a few absolute idlers, would be far more economical, than maintaining a host of labourers employed uselessly or mischievously; the colonists would thus be freed from oppression, and we from a ruinous expenditure. We should part on good terms; and anticipating by a few, a very few years, the inevitable separation of the two countries, should incur no dreadful cost, should cause no unnecessary carnage, create no hostile feelings-and in the mean time gain, not lose, by our liberality. But they preach to deaf ears who recommend this wisest conduct. The notion respecting the utility of the colonies is too firmly fixed, to yield even to the demonstration of its erroneousness: nought but time and absolute experience of some horrible evil will render its fallacy apparent. When, as in the case of America, we have expended a countless treasure, when we have been baffled, defeated and disgracedwhen we are absolutely driven from the shore at the point of the bayonet, then, and not till then, shall we be conscious of our desperate folly, and extravagance. The time is not far distant when the colonies will assert their independence; and as such independence will be wrested from us by arms, America will of necessity take part in this vindication of self-government; by her benefits she will induce the grateful colonies to become members of her mighty and happy federation, and the power of this gigantic republic will be bounded only by the Pacific on one side and the Atlantic on the other, and will stretch from the Gulph of Mexico to the Frozen Ocean. An early and pacific emancipation of the colonies can alone have any chance of preventing the creation of this unequalled empire. For ourselves indeed we dread not such result-though others dread it, chiefly those who believe in the utility of colonies. What we mainly fear, is the suffering consequent upon what will really be a social war. The rending asunder the amicable relations that now exist between us and our colonial brethren, the