has endeavored to give support, reserving to itself independence of judgment with regard to method and scope, to the efforts of the League on behalf of peace.

The findings of fact arrived at by the League and the understanding of the facts derived by the American Government from reports made to it by its own representatives are in substantial accord. In the light of its findings of fact, the Assembly of the League has formulated a measured statement of conclusions. With those conclusions the American Government is in general accord. In their affirmations respectively of the principle of non-recognition and their attitude in regard thereto the League and the United States are on common ground. The League has recommended principles of settlement. In so far as appropriate under the treaties to which it is a party, the American Government expresses its general endorsement of the principles thus recommended.

The American Government earnestly hopes that the two nations now engaged in controversy, both of which have long been in friendly relationship with our own and other peoples, may find it possible, in the light of the now clear expression of world opinion, to conform their policies to the need and the desire of the family of nations that disputes between nations shall be settled by none but pacific means." 2. The text of Drummond's letter to me and my reply are being released to the press here for publication in the Sunday morning papers. I hope that Drummond also will release the texts.

STIMSON

811.113/280A

13

The Secretary of State to the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs (McReynolds), House of Representatives

MY DEAR MR. MCREYNOLDS:

APRIL 5, 1933.

I have given careful consideration to H.J. Res. 93 12 and I am strongly of the opinion that this legislation should be enacted. I should greatly appreciate it, therefore, if you could find it possible to urge favorable action on this resolution. I hope that you will be able to succeed in having it passed in the form in which it was reported out

12 Joint Resolution To prohibit the exportation of arms or munitions of war from the United States under certain conditions:

"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States

of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and without the amendment which was introduced in the House when this legislation was being considered on the recommendation of the last administration-an amendment which would weaken its force and narrow its applicability.

The authority, which the passage of this resolution would confer upon the Executive, would be exercised by any Chief Magistrate of the United States to the sole end of maintaining the peace of the world and with a due and prudent regard for our national policies and national interests. The special circumstances of each particular case which may arise would dictate what action, if any, would be taken in that case, but the authority to act on terms of equality in cooperation with other governments when the occasion arises, should be left to the discretion of the Executive Branch of the Government which is charged, under the Constitution, with the conduct of our foreign relations. In justice to the firm convictions of the American people and to its own dignity, this Government should no longer be left in the position of being unable to join the other governments of the world in preventing the supply of arms and munitions for use in an international conflict when it is exercising its diplomacy and the whole weight of our national influence and prestige to prevent or put an end to that conflict. The enactment of this legislation would strengthen the position of this Government in its international relations and would enable us to cooperate more efficiently in efforts to maintain the peace of the world.

I am writing to Senator Pittman asking him to support this legislation in the Senate.

Sincerely yours,

CORDELL HULL

Footnote 12-Continued.

of America in Congress assembled, That whenever the President finds that in any part of the world conditions exist such that the shipment of arms or munitions of war from countries which produce these commodities may promote or encourage the employment of force in the course of a dispute or conflict between nations, and, after securing the cooperation of such governments as the President deems necessary, he makes proclamation thereof, it shall be unlawful to export, or sell for export, except under such limitations and exceptions as the President prescribes, any arms or munitions of war from any place in the United States to such country or countries as he may designate, until otherwise ordered by the President or by Congress.

"SEC. 2. Whoever exports any arms or munitions of war in violation of section 1 shall, on conviction, be punished by a fine not exceeding $10,000 or by imprisonment not exceeding two years, or both."

500.A15A4/1848

14

President Roosevelt to the Secretary of State
[WASHINGTON,] May 6, 1933.

I talked this afternoon with Dr. Schacht 12a for one half hour and made it perfectly clear that the United States will insist that Germany remain in status quo in armament and that we would support every possible effort to have the offensive armament of every other nation brought down to the German level. We discussed only land armament and not naval. I intimated as strongly as possible that we regard Germany as the only possible obstacle to a Disarmament Treaty and that I hoped Dr. Schacht would give this point of view to Hitler as quickly as possible.

You might consider whether it is worthwhile bringing this to the attention of Davis.12b

15

F.D.R.

Press Releases, vol. VIII, p. 348

Message of President Roosevelt to the Congress, May 16, 1933

To the Congress:

For the information of the Congress I am sending herewith a message that I have addressed this morning to the sovereigns and presidents of those nations participating in the Disarmament Conference and the World Monetary and Economic Conference.13

I was impelled to this action because it has become increasingly evident that the assurance of world political and economic peace and

129

Hjalmer Schacht, President of the Reichsbank.

12b Norman H. Davis, Chairman of the United States Delegation, General Disarmament Conference, Geneva, Switzerland.

13

The message of the President to the heads of the nations participating in the World Economic Conference and the Disarmament Conference was cabled direct to the sovereigns and presidents of the following nations: Albania, Argentina, Austria, Belgium, Brazil, Colombia, Bolivia, Bulgaria, Chile, China, Costa Rica, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, Estonia, Ethiopia, Finland, France, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Hungary, Iraq, Italy, Japan, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Mexico, Netherlands, Nicaragua, Norway, Panama,

stability is threatened by selfish and short-sighted policies, actions and threats of actions.

The sincere wish for this assurance by an overwhelming majority of the nations faces the danger of recalcitrant obstruction by a very

Footnote 13-Continued.

Paraguay, Persia, Peru, Poland, Portugal, Rumania, Russia, Siam, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, Uruguay, Venezuela, Yugoslavia.

The message follows:

"A profound hope of the people of my country impels me, as the head of their government, to address you and, through you, the people of your nation. This hope is that peace may be assured through practical measures of disarmament and that all of us may carry to victory our common struggle against economic chaos.

"To these ends the nations have called two great world conferences. The happiness, the prosperity, and the very lives of the men, women and children who inhabit the whole world are bound up in the decisions which their governments will make in the near future. The improvement of social conditions, the preservation of individual human rights, and the furtherance of social justice are dependent upon these decisions.

"The World Economic Conference will meet soon and must come to its conclusions quickly. The world can not await deliberations long drawn out. The Conference must establish order in place of the present chaos by a stabilization of currencies, by freeing the flow of world trade, and by international action to raise price levels. It must, in short, supplement individual domestic programs for economic recovery, by wise and considered international action. "The Disarmament Conference has labored for more than a year and, as yet, has been unable to reach satisfactory conclusions. Confused purposes still clash dangerously. Our duty lies in the direction of bringing practical results through concerted action based upon the greatest good to the greatest number. Before the imperative call of this great duty, petty obstacles must be swept away and petty aims forgotten. A selfish victory is always destined to be an ultimate defeat. The furtherance of durable peace for our generation in every part of the world is the only goal worthy of our best efforts.

"If we ask what are the reasons for armaments, which, in spite of the lessons and tragedies of the World War, are today a greater burden on the peoples of the earth than ever before, it becomes clear that they are two-fold: First, the desire, disclosed or hidden, on the part of Governments to enlarge their territories at the expense of a sister nation. I believe that only a small minority of Governments or of peoples harbor such a purpose. Second, the fear of nations that they will be invaded. I believe that the overwhelming majority of peoples feel obliged to retain excessive armaments because they fear some act of aggression against them and not because they themselves seek to be aggressors.

"There is justification for this fear. Modern weapons of offense are vastly stronger than modern weapons of defense. Frontier forts, trenches, wire entanglements, coast defenses-in a word, fixed fortifications-are no longer impregnable to the attack of war planes, heavy mobile artillery, land battleships called tanks, and poison gas.

"If all nations will agree wholly to eliminate from possession and use the

small minority, just as in the domestic field the good purposes of a majority in business, labor or in other cooperative efforts are often frustrated by a selfish few.

The deep-rooted desire of Americans for better living conditions and for the avoidance of war is shared by mass humanity in every country. As a means to this end, I have in the message to the various nations, stressed the practical necessity of reducing armaments. It is high time for us and for every other nation to understand the simFootnote 13-Continued.

weapons which make possible a successful attack, defenses automatically will become impregnable, and the frontiers and independence of every nation will become secure.

"The ultimate objective of the Disarmament Conference must be the complete elimination of all offensive weapons. The immediate objective is a substantial reduction of some of these weapons and the elimination of many others.

"This Government believes that the program for immediate reduction of aggressive weapons, now under discussion at Geneva, is but a first step toward our ultimate goal. We do not believe that the proposed immediate steps go far enough. Nevertheless, this Government welcomes the measures now proposed and will exert its influence toward the attainment of further successive steps of disarmament.

"Stated in the clearest way, there are three steps to be agreed upon in the present discussions:

"First, to take, at once, the first definite step toward this objective, as broadly outlined in the MacDonald Plan.

"Second, to agree upon time and procedure for taking the following steps. "Third, to agree that while the first and the following steps are being taken, no nation shall increase its existing armaments over and above the limitations of treaty obligations.

"But the peace of the world must be assured during the whole period of disarmament and I, therefore, propose a fourth step concurrent with and wholly dependent on the faithful fulfillment of these three proposals and subject to existing treaty rights:

"That all the nations of the world should enter into a solemn and definite pact of non-aggression: That they should solemnly reaffirm the obligations they have assumed to limit and reduce their armaments and, provided these obligations are faithfully executed by all signatory powers, individually agree that they will send no armed force of whatsoever nature across their frontiers. "Common sense points out that if any strong nation refuses to join with genuine sincerity in these concerted efforts for political and economic peace, the one at Geneva and the other at London, progress can be obstructed and ultimately blocked. In such event the civilized world, seeking both forms of peace, will know where the responsibility for failure lies. I urge that no nation assume such a responsibility, and that all the nations joined in these great conferences translate their professed policies into action. This is the way to political and economic peace.

"I trust that your government will join in the fulfillment of these hopes. "FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT"