want to bring about. What they want to do, however, definitely is to make Germany the most capable instrument of war that there has ever existed. The Minister of Education, speaking yesterday, said that a Spartan spirit must be developed among the German youth. Wherever one goes in Germany one sees people drilling, from children of five and six on, up to those well into middle age. A psychology is being developed that the whole world is against Germany and that it lies defenseless before the world. People are being trained against gas attacks, against airplane attacks, and the idea of war and danger from one's neighbors is constantly harped upon. I wish it were really possible to make our people at home understand, for I feel that they should understand it, how definitely this martial spirit is being developed in Germany. If this Government remains in power for another year and carries on in the same measure in this direction, it will go far towards making Germany a danger to world peace for years to come. This is a very disjointed and incoherent letter. I am dictating it under pressure as I wish to catch the courier pouch. What I do want to say really is that for the present this country is headed in directions which can only carry ruin to it and will create a situation here dangerous to world peace. With few exceptions, the men who are running this Government are of a mentality that you and I cannot understand. Some of them are psychopathic cases and would ordinarily be receiving treatment somewhere. Others are exalted and in a frame of mind that knows no reason. The majority are woefully ignorant and unprepared for the tasks which they have to carry through every day. Those men in the party and in responsible positions who are really worth-while, and there are quite a number of these, are powerless because they have to follow the orders of superiors who are suffering from the abnormal psychology prevailing in the country. It is impossible for us to talk about tariffs or monetary policy or any of these major matters with a Germany whose leaders do not think in any sense along the lines that we do. While their representatives are talking at London and seem to be just like everybody else, the most phantastic experiments on financial or economic lines are being definitely considered in their home country. Dr. Luther may talk bravely and fairly about Germany in the United States, but he can't tell what he knows, and even if he would, there is a great deal that he does not know. There is a real revolution here and a dangerous situation. Very sincerely yours, GEORGE S. MESSERSMITH 500.A15A4/2280 19 Memorandum by the Secretary of State Regarding a Conversation With the German Ambassador (Luther) [Extract] [WASHINGTON,] October 9, 1933. The German Ambassador called and I stated to him that the one primary and paramount purpose and matter of consideration of the United States Government was the promotion of general disarmament. I said that, naturally, any organized movement for this purpose could not logically contemplate a modified program by which some governments might proceed to rearm; that the theory of my government was that we should wage a steady contest for the disarmament of the heavily armed nations, rather than become parties to a plan for others to proceed to rearm; that this viewpoint had no reference to countries or populations anywhere in particular. C[ORDELL] H[ULL] 500.A15A4Personnel/1251 20 Memorandum by the Secretary of State Regarding a Conversation With the German Ambassador (Luther) [WASHINGTON,] November 2, 1933. After talking with me on another matter, the German Ambassador turned to the subject of the return of Norman Davis from the Disarmament Conference at Geneva. I said, "Yes, Mr. Davis is returning for a conference." The Ambassador inquired as to whether and when he would return to Geneva. I replied that my government was naturally deeply interested in the cause of world peace and hence in the cause of disarmament to the extent that it was strictly in harmony with world peace movements. I stated that this broad policy of world disarmament attracted our sympathy and support to the extent that it would be calculated to advance and improve conditions of world peace. I said that speaking individually and not even to be bound individually after I conferred with Norman Davis, the outlook in Europe at this distance for disarmament or for peace did not appear very encouraging. I added that a general war during the next two to ten years seemed more probable than peace; that my country had exerted itself in every way possible in support of the latter and against the possible recurrence of the former, but that frankly I felt somewhat discouraged, speaking still for myself individually. The Ambassador then quoted Hitler's statement to the effect that Germany would not seek the restoration of Alsace-Lorraine and that in his opinion this should quiet French apprehension. He added that the Saar question was an entirely separate one. C[ORDELL] H[ULL] 862.00/3417 21 The Consul General at Berlin (Messersmith) to the [Extracts] BERLIN, November 23, 1933. DEAR MR. PHILLIPS: In spite of the way in which the feelings of the German people have been whipped up by this new Government I do not believe that the majority of the German people yet desire war, but there is certainly no great desire for peace. Everything that is being done in the country to-day has for its object to make the people believe that Germany is threatened vitally in every aspect of its life by outside influences and by other countries. Everything is being done to use this feeling to stimulate military training and exercises, and innumerable measures are being taken to develop the German people into a hardy, sturdy race which will be able to meet all comers. The military spirit is constantly growing. It cannot be otherwise. The leaders of Germany to-day have no desire for peace unless it is a peace which the world makes at the expense of complete compliance with German desires and ambitions. Hitler and his associates really and sincerely want peace for the moment, but only to have a chance to get ready to use force if it is found finally essential. They are preparing their way so carefully that there is not in my mind any question but that the German people will be with them when they want to use force and when they feel that they have the necessary means to carry through their objects. Just what Germany will do on the disarmament question I think it is too early to definitely predict, but that she has a definite aim which she will go after unswervingly, we can take for granted. She will fight shy of all conferences, but will make constant overtures all around and constant protestations of a desire to cooperate and of a will for peace. Germany will particularly embarrass France by protestations of her willingness to do all sorts of things, with the hope of making trouble between France and England and the United States. It will I believe be exceedingly difficult to pin her down to anything. In the meantime she will go on rearming. This is what she wants to do and will do. Germany may make all sorts of protestations with regard to the reduction of armaments by other countries, but what she is interested in is not so much the other countries cutting down their armaments, as having a free hand or rather time to go ahead and rearm herself. Cordially and sincerely yours, 22 GEORGE S. MESSERSMITH Press Releases, vol. IX, p. 343 Statement 15 by the Secretary of State at the Seventh International Conference of American States, Montevideo, December 15, 1933 MR. CHAIRMAN AND MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE: I arise to say that the Delegation of the United States of America is in the heartiest accord with the very timely and vitally important resolution offered by the able Minister of Foreign Affairs of Argentina, Dr. Saavedra Lamas. The beneficial benefits of this proposal on peace will be farreaching. Their stimulating influence will extend beyond this hemisphere and to the uttermost parts of the earth. They will bring cheer and hope to the struggling and discouraged forces of peace everywhere. May I express what is in the mind of every delegate, that our grateful appreciation of this outstanding service of Dr. Saavedra Lamas will most appropriately climax a series of splendid services to the cause of peace which he has rendered. Let me also thank the heads of each delegation with whom I have conferred during past 15 In seconding Dr. Saavedra Lamas' proposal that all nations represented at the Conference give their adherence to the existing peace conventions since the Gondra treaty, signed in 1923. days for their prompt and most valuable cooperation in support of this proposal. The passage of this resolution and the agreement to attach from 12 to 20 signatures of governments to the five peace pacts or agencies thus far unsigned by them is not a mere mechanical operation. The real significance is the deep and solemn spirit of peace which pervades the minds and hearts of every delegate here and moves each to undertake a wise and effective step to promote conditions of peace at this critical stage. The adoption of this resolution and the agreement to sign these five splendid peace instruments will thoroughly strengthen the peace agencies of the 21 American states and make peace permanently secure in this hemisphere. This wholesale affixing of signatures to five treaties through conference action within itself thoroughly vindicates the policy of international conference.16 I desire most heartily to second the motion to report this resolution favorably. I desire also to say that the United States is ready to affix its signature to the Argentine anti-war pact, and I venture at the same time to express the earnest hope that representatives of all other governments present will aid in a great service to peace by signifying at this time their willingness to affix on behalf of their governments their signatures on any of these five treaties which they have not yet signed. Universal peace has been the chief aim of civilization. Nations fail or succeed according to their failure or success in this supreme undertaking. I profoundly believe that the American nations during the coming years will write a chapter of achievement in the advancement of peace that will stand out in world history. It is in these inspiring circumstances that I and my associates have come to the Conference here in Montevideo. We come too for the reason that the people and the Government of the United States feel the keenest interest in this Conference and have the strongest 16 The five treaties and conventions referred to by Mr. Hull in the above statement are the following: Kellogg-Briand Peace Pact (Pact of Paris), signed in Paris in 1928. Argentine Anti-War Pact, signed at Rio de Janeiro, October 10, 1933. Treaty To Avoid or Prevent Conflicts Between American States (Gondra treaty), signed at the Fifth Pan American Conference, Santiago, Chile, in 1923. General Treaty of Inter-American Conciliation, signed at Washington, January 5, 1929. General Treaty of Inter-American Arbitration, signed at Washington, January 5, 1929. |