are giving cooperation to the League in every matter which is not primarily political and in every matter which obviously represents the views and the good of the peoples of the world as distinguished from the views and the good of political leaders, of privileged classes, or of imperialistic aims. If you figure the world's population at approximately one billion and a half people, you will find it safe to guess that at least 90 percent of all of them are today content with the territorial limits of their respective nations and are willing further to reduce their armed forces tomorrow if every other nation in the world will agree to do the same thing. Back of the threat to world peace lies the fear and perhaps even the possibility that the other 10 percent of the people of the world may go along with a leadership which seeks territorial expansion at the expense of neighbors and which under various pleas in avoidance are unwilling to reduce armament or stop rearmament even if everybody else agrees to nonaggression and to arms reduction. If this 10 percent can be persuaded by the other 90 percent to do their own thinking and not be led, we will have practical peace, permanent peace, real peace throughout the world. Our own country has reduced the immediate steps to this greatest of objectives to practical and reasonable terms. I have said to every nation in the world something to this effect: 1. Let every nation agree to eliminate over a short period of years, and by progressive steps, every weapon of offense in its possession and to create no additional weapons of offense. This does not guarantee a nation against invasion unless you implement it with the right to fortify its own border with permanent and nonmobile defenses; and also with the right to assure itself through international continuing inspection that its neighbors are not creating nor maintaining offensive weapons of war. 2. A simple declaration that no nation will permit any of its armed forces to cross its own borders into the territory of another nation. Such an act would be regarded by humanity as an act of aggression and as an act, therefore, that would call for condemnation by humanity. 3. It is clear, of course, that no such general agreement for the elimination of aggression and of the weapons of offensive warfare would be of any value to the world unless every nation, without exception, entered into the agreement by solemn obligation. If, then, such an agreement were signed by a great majority of the nations on the definite condition that it would go into effect only when signed by all the nations, it would be a comparatively easy matter to determine which nations in this enlightened time are willing to go on record as belonging to the small minority of mankind which still believes in the use of the sword for invasion of and attack upon their neighbors. I did not make this suggestion until I felt assured, after a hardheaded practical survey, that the temper of the overwhelming majority of all men and women in my own country, as well as those who make up the world's population, subscribes to the fundamental objective I have set forth and to the practical road to that objective. The political leaders of many of these peoples interpose and will interpose argument, excuse, befogging amendment-yes, and even ridicule. But I tell them that the men and women they serve are so far in advance of that type of leadership that we could get a world accord on world peace immediately if the people of the world spoke for themselves. Through all the centuries and down to the world conflict of 1914 to 1918, wars were made by governments. Woodrow Wilson challenged that necessity. That challenge made the people who create and who change governments think. They wondered with Woodrow Wilson whether the people themselves could not some day prevent governments from making war. It is but an extension of the challenge of Woodrow Wilson for us to propose in this newer generation that from now on war by governments shall be changed to peace by peoples. 25 711.94/908 Informal and Personal Message From the Japanese Minister TO THE HONORABLE THE SECRETARY OF STATE. It is a significant fact that ever since Japan and the United States opened their doors to each other exactly eighty years ago, the two countries have always maintained a relationship of friendliness and cordiality. "Handed to the Secretary of State by the Japanese Ambassador, February 21, 1934. It is a matter for gratification to both our countries that they produce very few commodities which represent conflicting interests in their foreign trade, that each supplies what the other wants, that they are good customers of each other's products, and that they are strengthening their relation of interdependence year after year. I firmly believe that viewed in the light of the broad aspect of the situation and studied from all possible angles, no question exists between our two countries that is fundamentally incapable of amicable solution. I do not doubt that all issues pending between the two nations will be settled in a satisfactory manner, when examined with a good understanding on the part of each of the other's position, discussed with an open mind and in all frankness, and approached with a spirit of coöperation and conciliation. I can state with all emphasis at my command that the Japanese nation makes it its basic principle to collaborate in peace and harmony with all nations and has no intention whatever to provoke and make trouble with any other Power. It is the sincere desire of Japan that a most peaceful and friendly relation will be firmly established between her and her great neighbor across the Pacific, the United States. And to this end I have been exerting my best efforts since I took the post of Foreign Minister. I am happy, therefore, to avail myself of the occasion of the arrival in your country of Mr. Saito, the new Ambassador, to lay before you, through him, Mr. Secretary, my thoughts as to the necessity of promoting our traditional friendship as above. I hope and believe that the desire of the Japanese Government in this respect will be reciprocated by a full support and countenance on the part of your Government. 711.94/908 26 Informal and Personal Message From the Secretary of State To the Japanese Minister for Foreign Affairs (Hirota) 18 TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF JAPAN. Mr. Saito, the new Ambassador of Japan to the United States, has delivered to me the personal and informal message which you have been so good as to send me. "Handed to the Japanese Ambassador by the Secretary of State, March 3, 1934, 12: 30 p. m. The cordial sentiments which you express in this message I highly appreciate and reciprocate. I have not failed to note, with gratification, Your Excellency's effort to foster friendly relations with other powers. In all such effort I am sure that you realize that you may rely upon me for the fullest possible measure of cooperation. You express the opinion that viewed in the light of the broad aspects of the situation and studied from all possible angles no question exists between our two countries that is fundamentally incapable of amicable solution. I fully concur with you in that opinion. Further, I believe that there are in fact no questions between our two countries which if they be viewed in proper perspective in both countries can with any warrant be regarded as not readily susceptible to adjustment by pacific processes. It is the fixed intention of the American Government to rely, in prosecution of its national policies, upon such processes. If unhappily there should arise in the future any controversy between our two countries, the American Government will be prepared, as I believe it always has been in the past, to examine the position of Japan in a spirit of amity and of desire for peaceful and just settlement, with the confident expectation that the Japanese Government will be prepared to examine the position of the United States in the same spirit. You refer to the gratifying fact that in the field of trade the interests of our two countries are not in conflict and commercial ties are being constantly strengthened. I perceive every reason to anticipate that the United States and Japan will continue to develop their reciprocal trade with benefit to both countries and, where there may be competition, with constant reciprocal good will. You state emphatically that Japan has no intention whatever to provoke and make trouble with any other power. I receive this statement with special gratification and I am glad to take this opportunity to state categorically that the United States on its part has no desire to create any issues and no intention to initiate any conflict in its relations with other countries. In the light of these facts I feel that I should also avail myself of this opportunity to express my earnest hope that it may be possible for all of the countries which have interests in the Far East to approach every question existing or which may arise between or among them in such spirit and manner that these questions may be regulated or resolved with injury to none and with definite and lasting advantage to all. I shall of course be glad to receive through the Ambassador of Japan to the United States or the Ambassador of the United States to Japan any suggestions calculated to maintain and to increase that friendliness and cordiality which have constantly marked since the conclusion of our first treaty the relations between our two countries. You may count upon my earnest desire to favor any measure or steps which may be practicable toward this end and toward fostering at the same time relations of peace, good will and general benefit among all members of the Family of Nations. CORDELL HULL 27 862.00/3421 The Appointed Minister to Austria (Messersmith) to the Under Secretary of State (Phillips) DEAR MR. PHILLIPS: BERLIN, April 21, 1934. In my last letter I mentioned that Miller, 19 the Acting Commercial Attache, was preparing a resume of the economic and financial situation for the Embassy as part of the background information to be presented to Mr. Child on his expected arrival here. As I anticipated, it is a very excellent review of certain aspects of the situation here and I am sending a copy to you now as I feel sure it will be of interest to you and to others in the Department. He has avoided, as was of course proper, in his review a discussion of the political factors in the local situation, but these have been pretty well brought out in my recent letters to you. The review is interesting because it brings out some of the major details on which my own conclusions expressed to you have been based. The review may be particularly interesting to you in the Department when I say that Miller's conclusions have been entirely independently arrived at and in no way influenced by my own, and yet it will be apparent that we are very much in accord in our appraisal of the situation. Cordially and faithfully yours, GEORGE S. MESSERSMITH [Enclosure: Extracts] APRIL 17, 1934 MEMORANDUM TO THE EMBASSY MAIN PURPOSE OF NAZIS The fundamental purpose is to secure a greater share of the world's future for the Germans, the expansion of German territory and |