but we desire to make it clearer by specifying a reference to the Pact. As long as Japan is a member of the Tripartite Pact, such stipulation as is mentioned in the Understanding seems unnecessary. If we must have any stipulation at all, in addition, it would be important to have one which would clarify the relationship of this Understanding to the aforementioned Pact. III. China Affair. The terms for China-Japan peace as proposed in the original Understanding differ in no substantial way from those herein affirmed as the "principles of Konoe." Practically, the one can be used to explain the other. We should obtain an understanding, in a separate and secret document, that the United States would discontinue her assistance to the Chiang Kai-shek régime if Chiang Kai-shek does not accept the advice of the United States that he enter into negotiations for peace. If, for any reason, the United States finds it impossible to sign such a document, a definite pledge by some highest authorities will suffice. The three principles of Prince Konoe as referred to in this paragraph are: 1. Neighborly friendship; 2. Joint defense against communism; 3. Economic cooperation-by which Japan does not intend to exercise economic monopoly in China nor to demand of China a limitation in the interests of Third Powers. The following are implied in the aforesaid principles: III. 1. Mutual respect of sovereignty and territories; 2. Mutual respect for the inherent characteristics of each nation cooperating as good neighbors and forming a Far Eastern nucleus contributing to world peace; 3. Withdrawal of Japanese troops from Chinese territory in accordance with an agreement to be concluded between Japan and China; 4. No annexation, no indemnities; Immigration to China. The stipulation regarding large-scale immigration to China has been deleted because it might give an impression, maybe a mistaken impression, to the Japanese people who have been offended by the past immigration legislation of the United States, that America is now taking a dictating attitude even toward the question of Japanese immigration in China. Actually, the true meaning and purpose of this stipulation is fully understood and accepted by the Japanese Government. IV. Naval, Aerial and Mercantile Marine Relations. (a) and (c) of this section have been deleted not because of disagreement but because it would be more practical, and possible, to determine the disposition of naval forces and mercantile marine after an understanding has been reached and relations between our two countries improved; and after our present China commitments are eliminated. Then we will know the actual situation and can act accordingly. Courtesy visit of naval squadrons. This proposal, (b) of IV. might better be made a subject of a separate memorandum. Particular care must be taken as to the timing, manner and scope of carrying out such a gesture. V. Gold Credit. The proposal in the second paragraph of V. has been omitted for the same reasons as suggested the omission of paragraphs (a) and (c). VI. Activity in Southwestern Pacific Area. The words, in the first paragraph, "without resorting to arms" have been deleted as inappropriate and unnecessarily critical. Actually, the peaceful policy of the Japanese Government has been made clear on many occasions in various statements made both by the Premier and the Foreign Minister. VIII. Political Stabilization in the Pacific Area. As the paragraph (a) implying military and treaty obligation would require, for its enactment, such a complicated legislative procedure in both countries, we consider it inappropriate to include this in the present Understanding. Paragraph (b) regarding the independence of the Philippine Islands has been altered for the same reason. In paragraph (c) the words "and to the Southwestern Pacific Area" have been omitted because such questions should be settled, as necessity arises, through direct negotiation with the authorities in the Southwestern areas by the Governments of the United States and of Japan respectively. Conference. The stipulation for holding a Conference has been deleted. We consider that it would be better to arrange, by an exchange of letters, that a conference between the President and the Premier or between suitable representatives of theirs will be considered when both the United States and Japan deem it useful to hold such a conference after taking into due consideration the effect resulting from the present Understanding. Announcement. In regard to the statement to be issued on the successful conclusion of the present Understanding a draft will be prepared in Tokio and cabled to Washington for the consideration of the United States Government. 210 Department of State Bulletin, vol. IV, p. 647 Radio Address Delivered by President Roosevelt From Washington, May 27, 1941 I am speaking tonight from the White House in the presence of the Governing Board of the Pan American Union, the Canadian Minister, and their families. The members of this Board are the ambassadors and ministers of the American republics in Washington. It is appropriate that I do this. Now, as never before, the unity of the American republics is of supreme importance to each and every one of us and to the cause of freedom throughout the world. Our future independence is bound up with the future independence of all of our sister republics. The pressing problems that confront us are military problems. We cannot afford to approach them from the point of view of wishful thinkers or sentimentalists. What we face is cold, hard fact. The first and fundamental fact is that what started as a European war has developed, as the Nazis always intended it should develop, into a world war for world-domination. Adolf Hitler never considered the domination of Europe as an end in itself. European conquest was but a step toward ultimate goals in all the other continents. It is unmistakably apparent to all of us that, unless the advance of Hitlerism is forcibly checked now, the Western Hemisphere will be within range of the Nazi weapons of destruction. For our own defense we have accordingly undertaken certain obviously necessary measures. First, we joined in concluding a series of agreements with all the other American republics. This further solidified our hemisphere against the common danger. And then, a year ago, we launched, and are successfully carrying out, the largest armament-production program we have ever undertaken. We have added substantially to our splendid Navy, and we have mustered our manpower to build up a new Army which is already worthy of the highest traditions of our military service. We instituted a policy of aid for the democracies-the nations which have fought for the continuation of human liberties. This policy had its origin in the first month of the war, when I urged upon the Congress repeal of the arms-embargo provisions in the Neutrality Law. In that message of September 1939, I said, "I should like to be able to offer the hope that the shadow over the world might swiftly pass. I cannot. The facts compel my stating, with candor, that darker periods may lie ahead." In the subsequent months, the shadows deepened and lengthened. And the night spread over Poland, Denmark, Norway, Holland, Belgium, Luxemburg, and France. In June 1940, Britain stood alone, faced by the same machine of terror which had overwhelmed her allies. Our Government rushed arms to meet her desperate needs. In September 1940, an agreement was completed with Great Britain. for the trade of 50 destroyers for 8 important off-shore bases. In March 1941, the Congress passed the Lend-Lease Bill and an appropriation of seven billion dollars to implement it. This law realistically provided for material aid "for the government of any country whose defense the President deems vital to the defense of the United States". Our whole program of aid for the democracies has been based on hard-headed concern for our own security and for the kind of safe and civilized world in which we wish to live. Every dollar of material we send helps to keep the dictators away from our own hemisphere. Every day that they are held off gives us time to build more guns and tanks and planes and ships. We have made no pretense about our own self-interest in this aid. Great Britain understands it-and so does Nazi Germany. And now-after a year-Britain still fights gallantly, on a "farflung battle line". We have doubled and redoubled our vast production, increasing, month by month, our material supply of tools of war for ourselves and Britain and China-and eventually for all the democracies. The supply of these tools will not fail-it will increase. With greatly augmented strength, the United States and the other American republics now chart their course in the situation of today. Your Government knows what terms Hitler, if victorious, would impose. They are, indeed, the only terms on which he would accept a so-called "negotiated" peace. Under those terms, Germany would literally parcel out the worldhoisting the swastika itself over vast territories and populations and setting up puppet governments of its own choosing, wholly subject to the will and the policy of a conqueror. To the people of the Americas, a triumphant Hitler would say, as he said after the seizure of Austria, and after Munich, and after the seizure of Czechoslovakia: "I am now completely satisfied. This is the last territorial readjustment I will seek." And he would of course add: "All we want is peace, friendship, and profitable trade relations with you in the New World." And were any of us in the Americas so incredibly simple and forgetful as to accept those honeyed words, what would then happen? Those in the New World who were seeking profits would be urging that all that the dictatorships desired was "peace". They would oppose toil and taxes for more American armament. Meanwhile, the dictatorships would be forcing the enslaved peoples of their Old World conquests into a system they are even now organizing— to build a naval and air force intended to gain and hold and be master of the Atlantic and the Pacific as well. They would fasten an economic stranglehold upon our several nations. Quislings would be found to subvert the governments in our republics; and the Nazis would back their fifth columns with invasion, if necessary. I am not speculating about all this. I merely repeat what is already in the Nazi book of world-conquest. They plan to treat the Latin American nations as they are now treating the Balkans. They plan then to strangle the United States of America and the Dominion of Canada. The American laborer would have to compete with slave labor in the rest of the world. Minimum wages, maximum hours? Nonsense! Wages and hours would be fixed by Hitler. The dignity and power and standard of living of the American worker and farmer would be gone. Trade unions would become historical relics and collective bargaining a joke. Farm income? What happens to all farm surpluses without any foreign trade? The American farmer would get for his products |