bitterness of controversy may stimulate the play of the imagination. In the debate concerning the League of Nations, most fantastic arguments and meticulous criticisms have assumed for the moment substantial importance, and responsible statesmen have not hesitated to indulge in the most extravagant flights of fancy, such, for instance, as that the League of Nations will result in the domination of the world by the colored races, or by the Pope! It is indeed unfortunate that the adoption of a measure of such vast importance to the entire world, should have been imperilled by a degeneration into a bitter argument upon what is largely a matter of form; and the fault in this respect has not been by any means on one side alone. I cannot, of course, attempt here to discuss the merits of the controversy, but I am tempted to advert to a single point. I have always thought that the discussion concerning Article X had assumed an importance far beyond what it deserved. In view of the other articles of the Covenant, that Article is largely a provision for an emergency, and a remote one. It is hardly conceivable, or to put it less strongly, only in a very rare case would it happen, that there would be an external aggression by one country upon the territorial integrity or political independence of another, without some antecedent inciting cause. Now, if such cause existed as a matter in dispute, it must be presumed that under the machinery provided for in Articles XII, XIII, XV and XVI, it would have been submitted to arbitration or mediation, hostilities being withheld in the meantime, and that for a failure to comply with the provisions of those articles the economic boycott provided for in Article XVI would have gone into effect. Only, therefore, in the case of a nation failing to observe the covenants contained in the Articles referred to, and thus giving to all the other member nations under the provisions of Article XVI a cause of war, can it be supposed that the provision of Article X would come into operation. That Article is necessary for such an exigent situation, but that such a situation will ever arise is extremely improbable. And yet, about the provisions of that Article more than of any other has the controversy raged. I have included in this collection an appreciation of John L. Cadwalader,—a figure of distinction in the cultural life of New York City. He possessed a unique personality. He was a gentleman of the old school, and yet in his keen perception of recent developments, social, political and professional, he was a modern of moderns. If there be American aristocrats he was one by birth and association, but he had an ill-concealed contempt for those who claimed social or other distinction except for worth. In epistolary literature Mr. Cadwalader might have rivaled Horace Walpole, with less vitriol; in public life he would have been a great diplomatist, looking at world affairs through an international medium to which wide travel and his experience early in life as Assistant Secretary of State accustomed him. He loved art in its various forms and satisfied his craving by surrounding himself with beautiful things which by his will he gave to the public. But little that he wrote was preserved and he hated the histrionic display of politics; he was content to forego the fame which his talents and his character would have assured him. In conversation Mr. Cadwalader had a pungent wit and a delicate vein of satire, directed frequently at manners in modern society offending against good taste or sound morals. He was eminent in his profession. In subtlety in giving point to legal docu ments he exceeded any lawyer of my acquaintance. He was a distinguished figure in the city of his residence, and I am glad to give permanent form to an address which was delivered upon the occasion of the presentation to Mr. Cadwalader's native city of Trenton of a building for the public library for which he had made provision before his death. H. W. T. CONTENTS INTRODUCTION PAGE II. SOME RESPONSIBILITIES OF THE AMERICAN LAWYER. PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS, DELIVERED BEFORE THE NEW YORK STATE BAR ASSOCIATION, AT ITS ANNUAL MEET- ING, HELD IN NEW YORK CITY, JANUARY 16-17, 1920 23 III. THE BAR IN THE WAR-ITS WAR COMMITTEES AND ITS PARTICIPATION IN THE ENFORCEMENT OF THE SELEC- TIVE SERVICE LAW AND REGULATIONS. AN ADDRESS DELIVERED AT THE ANNUAL MEETING OF THE NEW YORK STATE BAR ASSOCIATION HELD IN NEW YORK CITY, JANUARY 11-12, 1918, BY MR. TAFT, CHAIRMAN OF THE WAR COMMITTEE OF THE BAR OF THE CITY OF IV. REPORT OF THE WAR COMMITTEE. REPORT PRESENTED BY MR. TAFT, AS CHAIRMAN OF THE WAR COMMITTEE OF THE ASSOCIATION, AT THE ANNUAL MEETING OF TO THE LEAGUE FOR POLITICAL EDUCATION, CARNEGIE HALL, NEW YORK CITY, DECEMBER 6, 1919 VI. THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS. REPRINTED FROM A SERIES VII. SOVEREIGNTY, CONSTITUTIONALITY AND THE MONROE DOCTRINE. LETTERS OF MR. HENRY W. TAFT. RE- PRINTED FROM "THE COVENANTER, AN AMERICAN EXPOSITION OF THE COVENANT OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS," BEING A SERIES OF LETTERS WRITTEN BY WILLIAM H. TAFT, GEORGE W. WICKERSHAM, A. LAWRENCE LOWELL AND HENRY W. TAFT AFTER THE |