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This tradition makes a dog the ancestor of the Man; and his descendants cut their clothes out in the form of a dog's tail, their coat-of-arms. The relationship of the Man to the Chinese is emphasized; their languages, in fact, are closely allied. They are characterized as hunters in the mountains and marshes, where they have fields cultivated by very primitive methods, while the plains are reserved for the agriculture of the colonizing Chinese. The modern Man have preserved this tradition with some variants. Some tribes still abstain from the flesh of the dog. Among the Man Tien, who style themselves "Kim Mien" (Mien = Chinese Man, that is, "man"), they have images representing the creator Pien-Kan seated on a throne and holding a flower in his hand; beneath him is shown a dog being carried on a palanquin by two men. A man-dog appears in their decorative art. The Man Kao-lan still profess to have descended from the ancestor-dog P'an-hu. They state that the lozenges embroidered on the shoulders of their women's dress indicate the spot where the paws of the ancestor rested when he cohabited with the princess.1 The chiefs of the Yao retained P'an as their name: thus there was a Yao chief P'an Kuei in the beginning of the fifteenth century.2 They also sacrificed to P'an-hu at New-Year offerings of meat, rice, and wine. There is a peculiar tribe of several hundred families living fifteen miles east of Fu-chou, in Fu-kien, called Sia. They are said to be descendants of a dog-headed ancestor, styled Go Sing Da, whose image is worshipped in the ancestral hall on the fifteenth of the eighth month and on New-Year's Day. After this it is kept locked up, as they are ashamed to let others see it.8

One of the powerful kingdoms of the Southwestern Man at the time of the Later Han dynasty (a.d. 25-220) was called Ye-lang, bordering in the east on Kiao-chi (Tonking). The Chinese have preserved to us the following ancient tradition with reference to the origin of royal power among this people.

"In the beginning, a woman was bathing in the T'un River, when a large bamboo consisting of three joints came floating along and entered between the woman's legs. She pushed it, but it did not move. She heard an infant's voice inside, took the bamboo up, and, returning home, split it. She found in it a male child, and reared him till he had grown up. He developed warlike abilities and established himself as Marquis of Ye-lang, assuming the family name Chu [that is, Bamboo]." *

The foundation of the kingdom of Nan-chao in Yiin-nan, the populace of which belonged to the T'ai family, is thus narrated in the Han Annals:1

1 E. Lunet de Lajonquif-re, Ethnographic du Tonkin septentrional, pp. 210, 252, 253, 372, 280.

1 G. Deveria, La FrontiJre sino-annamite, p. 90.

« F. Ohlinger. Chinese Recorder. 17 (1886) : 265. 266.

4 Hou Han shu (Annals of the Later Han Dynasty), Ch. 116, p. 6 b; Hua yang kuo chi, Ch. 4, p. i b.

"The ancestor of the Ngai (or Ai-)Lao barbarians was a woman, Sha-yi by name, who dwelt on the Lao mountain.1 Once when she was engaged in catching fish, she came in contact with a drifting piece of wood, which caused her a feeling as if she had conceived. Accordingly she became pregnant, and, after the lapse of ten months, gave birth to ten sons. Subsequently the drifting log was transformed into a dragon, who appeared on the surface of the water. All of a sudden Sha-yi heard the dragon speak thus: 'Those sons begotten by me, where are they now?' Nine of the sons became frightened at sight of the dragon and fled. Solely the youngest child, who was unable to run away, set himself on the back of the dragon, so that the dragon could lick him. In the mother's native [literally, 'bird'] language,' back' is termed kiu,'to sit' is called lung:' hence the name 'Kiu Lung' was conferred on the child. When he had grown up, his elder brothers inferred from Kiu Lung's strength that he had been licked by his father, and, on account of his cleverness, proceeded to elect him king. Afterwards there was a couple living at the foot of Mount Lao. Ten daughters were born to them. These were taken as wives by Kiu Lung and his brothers. At a later time, when they had gradually increased in number, all the tribesmen cut and painted [that is, tattooed] their bodies with designs representing a dragon, and wore coats with tails. After Kiu Lung's death, several generations succeeded to him. Eventually the tribe was divided under the rule of petty kings, and habitually dwelt in places scattered in the ravines and valleys far beyond the boundaries of China. While, intercepted by mountains and rivers, the populace strongly increased, it had never held any intercourse with China."

The term "Dragon-Tails" (lung wei) was still applied to the later dynasty Nan-chao. The dragon-tail is an analogon to the dog-tail of the Nan Man.

In 1635 a Chinese, Kuang Lu, who had been in the service of a female chieftain of the Miao, published a small book under the title "Ch'i ya," which belongs to the most interesting, and instructive documents that we have on the Miao. This author (Ch. i, p. 17 b) mentions a tribe under the name "Tan," who lived on river-boats, subsisting on fish, without engaging in agriculture and intermarrying with other people. They called themselves "dragon-tribe" (lung chung) or "men of the dragon-god" (lung shen jen). They painted a snake on their temples for purposes of worship, and the records of population they styled "dragon-doors" (lung hu).1 The remains of the Tan are still to be found in the floating river-population of Canton.2 The Western K'iang (Si K'iang) were a large group of nomadic tribes, the present province of Kan-su forming the centre of their habitat, who must be regarded as the forefathers of the Tibetans. A brief notice on their social organization is preserved in the Han Annals.1

1 Hou Han sbu, Cb. 116. p. 7 b.

* A native tradition is more explicit on the origin of Sha-yi. She was the wife of Mong Kia Tu, who was the fifth son of Ti Mong Tad, son of Piao TsU Ti, who is identified with King Acoka of Magadha. One day when Mong Kia Tu was fishing in Lake Yi-lo, south of the city of Yung-ch'ang. he was drowned, whereupon Sha-yi came to this place to weep (see E. Rocher, T'oung Pao. 10 [1899]: 12; Deveria, La Kronticre sino-annamitc, p. 118; C. Sainson, Histoire du Nan-tchao, p. 25).

'Modem Chinese kiu was in Old Chinese *gn, and gu is a typical Indo-Chinese word for "back" (see T'oung Pao, 17 [1916] : 52). Lang or lung in Siamese means "to sit." The compound signifies "sitting on the back" (namely, of the dragon).

"There was no fixed distinction of families and clans: the designations of tribes were derived from the personal name of the father or from the family name of the mother. After the twelfth generation, marriages were permitted in the same clan. On the father's death, the son married his step-mother.4 When an elder brother died, a new marriage was arranged for his widow; so that there were no widows in their country. Their tribal divisions were numerous, but they did not have any institution like princes and officials. They did not take regard of elders, but it was the strongest man who was elected chief by the tribes. When he weakened, he was relegated to the common people; and then they vied with one another in a contest of strength to find out who was the bravest."

A division of the K'iang bore the name Wu-yi Yiian-kien. The designation Wu-yi (*Mu-yit) is explained by a gloss to mean "slaves," as they were held in serfdom by the Duke Li of Ts'in in the fifth century B.C. Subsequently they were split into several tribes, each with a special appellation. One of these was called the "Yak (li-niu) Tribe;" these were the K'iang of Yiie-si. The K'iang of Kuang-han styled themselves "White-Horse (pai ma) Tribe;" those of Wu-tu had the name "Wolf (ts'an lang) Tribe." 8 The annalist then continues, —

"Jen and his younger brother Wu alone remained in Huang-chung [in the present prefecture of Si-ning in Kan-su], and took many wives. Jen had nine sons, who formed nine tribes. Wu had seventeen sons, who formed seventeen tribes. The rising power of the K'iang began from this time."

Yii Huan, in his "Wei lio," written in the third century A.d., enumerates the following three clans of the K'iang, — the Ts'ung-ts'e • (Garlic) K'iang, the Pai-ma (White Horse) ICiang, and the Huang-niu (Yellow Ox) K'iang, — adding that each of these tribes has its chiefs, and that among the last-named the women give birth to a child after six months.1 The same author speaks of another group of tribes, called "Ti," the descendants of the Si Jung, and related to the K'iang in language and customs. Some divisions of this people were termed by the Chinese "Green and White Ti," from the color of their costume; but another clan styled itself "Ti Jan," the latter word designating a reptile under which it was classed.1

1 The Chinese count the number of families by doors.

1 See Notes and Queries on China and Japan, i : 15, 28, 107.

• Hou Han shu, Ch. 117, p. I.

4 The same custom is related by the Chinese in regard to the ancient Hiung-nu (Huns) and T'u-kUe (Turks). It means, of course, that it was bound up by the law of inheritance of these peoples, and that the son fell heir to his father's entire property, inclusive of his women, slaves, etc. See also G. Soulie (Bull, de 1'Ecole francaise, 8 [1908] : 362, note 2).

• Hou Han shu, Ch. 117, p. 3. The term ts'an seems to refer to a particular species of wolf, but its meaning is not explained. This account relates to the fourth century B.c.

• The compound consists of two plant-names, — ts'ung referring to garlic (see T'oung Pao, 17 [1916] : 96), and /.->V, to a plant yielding a red dye (Lithospermum officinale). It ia more probable, however, that ts'ung-ls*e relates solely to a single species, presumably to a wild A I!mm.

From a passage in the Annals of the Sui Dynasty,1 we note that a clan of the K'iang, scattered in the country Fu (2000 /» northwest of Se-ch'uan), was named "Pai Kou" (White Dog).

In the age of the Sui dynasty (a.d. 590-617) a tribal group of the K'iang became known to the Chinese under the name "Tang-hiang," the element Tang appearing as Tangud or Tangut (-ud being a Mongol termination of the plural), the Turkish and Mongol designation of the Tibetans. To the Tang-hiang belonged the Tang-ch'ang and Pai-lang (White Wolves), who conferred on themselves the name "Monkey Tribe" (Mi-hou Chung).4 In fact, the monkey belonged to the sacred animals of the ancient Tibetans, and was sacrificed with sheep and dogs once a year, when the officers assembled for the ceremony of the minor oath of fealty.* In their own traditions the Tibetans have preserved at great length the story of how they descended from the alliance of a monkey with a female giant (Rakshasi).* But there is no evidence that the monkey ever was the totem of a Tibetan clan, or that a Tibetan clan named itself for the monkey; the latter, however, as shown by the Chinese account of the Tang-hiang, may have been the case in ancient times.

In regard to the Chinese, the existence of totemism is denied by some authors, while others are inclined to uphold it.7 Neither the one nor the other can be asserted in our present state of knowledge. We must not forget, of course, that Confucius, who made the Chinese what a French writer aptly styled affreusetnent bourgeois, has spoiled China completely for the ethnologist. Certainly the Chinese never were those angels of virtue that we are prone to make them out in reading the tenets of their moral creed. Morals look well on paper always and everywhere. There was a prehistoric age when also the Chinese, like their congeners the T'ai, Miao, and Tibetans, did not pose as the champions of morality, but behaved like real and natural men. This has been very clearly shown in a most interesting study by M. Granet.1 While no positive data are as yet available, from which conclusions as to a former totemic organization could be drawn, there are some indications which may be suggestive. Unfortunately the development of social organization in China has never been investigated by modern scientific methods.

Chavannes, T'oung Pao, 6 (1905) : 528.

Ibid., pp. 521-522.

Sui shu, Ch. 83, p. 8 b.

Ibid., p. 2 b.

Kiu T'ang shu. Ch. 196 A, p. I.

See, for instance, Roclchill. Land of the Lamas, pp. 355-361. For a complete bibliography of the subject, see Laufer (T'oung Pao, 2 [1901] : 27-28).

7 A. Conrady, "China" (in Pflugk-Harttung's Weltgeschichte, p. 491). The evidence merely rests on the interpretation of names. Conrady's popular history of China is modelled on Lamprechtian ideas of evolution, which are interpreted, and partially in a very forced way, into the given material. This method is not to be taken seriously; the critical anthropologist will understand without comment.

The number of family names derived from words designating plants and animals is comparatively large. Following is an alphabetical list of the more common ones: —

FAMILY NAMES BASED ON PLANTS.

Ch'i, white jasmine (Jasminum sam

bac).
Chu, bamboo.
Ch'u, hay, straw.
Hing, apricot.
Hu, gourd, calabash.
Hua, flower.
Huai, Sophora japonica.
Huan, Sap Indus mukorossi.
Jang, stalk of grain.
Jui, small budding plants.
Jung-kuan, family of the Hibiscus.
Ki, thistles.
Ki, several species of Rhamnus and

Zizyphus.
Ken, root.
Ku, cereals.
Kua-t'ien, gourd-field.
K'uai, a rush (Scirpus cyperinus).
Kuei, cinnamon-tree (Cinnamomum

cassia).
K'uei, Amarantus.
KO, chrysanthemum.
Kuo, fruit.

Lai, goosefoot (Chenopodium album).
Li, plum (Prunus triflora).
Li, lichee (Nephelium litcht).
Li, chestnut (Castanea vulgaris).

Liao, Polygonum.

Liu, willow (Salix babylonica).

Lu, a reed (Phragmites).

Ma, hemp.

Mai, wheat.

Mang, a grass (Erianthus japon

icus).
Mao, reeds, rush.
Mei, plum (Prunus mume).
Mi, hulled rice.
Mou, barley.
Mu, tree.

Ngai, Artemisia vulgaris.
Po, thickly growing vegetation.
Po, arbor-vitae (Thuja orientalis).
Sang, mulberry-tree.
Sing, a marshy plant.
Su, grain.

T'an, Dalbergia hupeana.
T'ang, Pyrus.
T'ao, peach.
T'ao, rice.

Ti, Prunus japonica.
Tou, beans.

Tsao, various aquatic plants.
Tsao, jujube (Zizyphus vulgaris).
Tse, Cudrania triloba.
Tsi, panicled millet.

1 "Coutumes matrimoniales de la Chine antique" (T'oung Pao, 13 [1912] : 517-558).

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