« PředchozíPokračovat »
paddles. Then he sent Crow to fly to Eagle's lodge. Crow was unable to do so. He told Owl, who was also unable. Finally Hawk went. He peeped into the lodge through a hole, was discovered by the people, and his face was scorched. The next morning Moose, Caribou, Bear, and Red Deer were sent to swim in the water. The Fisher told the Eagle to give chase. When the hunters went out, their canoes were found to be leaking, and they were drowned. Meanwhile Chief Fisher went into the lodge, where he saw something shining tied around a pole. He cut it open with his knife, and the summer came out. Eagle returned to the lodge; and when he found the summer gone, he flew away pursued by Crow. Crow alighted on a rock far out at sea. The Eagle rushed down, struck the Turtle which lay in wait. The Turtle caught him and drowned him. Then Crow and Turtle went home, singing, –
O-gee-mah-nee-nee-sah-nahn." When Fisher, Moose, Caribou, Red Deer, Link (a fish), and Frog came back, the chief asked how many months the year was to have. Moose said, “As many months as there are hairs on my body;" Link said, “As many as the eggs that I hatch.” The same fish said, “As many months as I have intestines.” The chief did not accept these. Then the Frog said, holding up his hands, “As many as I have fingers." Thereupon the Moose hit the Frog with a stick. The chief accepted the number of months suggested by the Frog.
The Eagle's people tried to kill Chief Fisher, who climbed a tree. The Eagle tribe hit the middle of his tail, and broke it. Then the Fisher went up into the sky, and became a constellation.
WM. CARSON. St. Louis, Mo.
NOTES ON PEORIA FOLK-LORE AND MYTHOLOGY.3 — Peoria folk-lore and mythology are comparatively well preserved; but it should be added that many European (French) elements have been incorporated, and yet apparently the Peoria Indians are unaware of their foreign origin; and, what is more, these European elements in some cases have been attached to native cycles. Tales that are patently European in origin are those of the hat that produces soldiers, wolf fishing through ice with his tail, the smokehouse, the adventure of wolf with the supposed dead horse, the one-eyed man who shot his wife's colt, the man and his wife who played stallion and mare. In the cases of one or two tales it is doubtful whether they are native or European. The difficulty is that there is one cycle of how fox
1 See BBAE 59 : 301 (Assiniboin, Chippewayan, Crow, Gros Ventre, Ojibwa, Shoshoni, Shuswap, Thompson, Yana; also Chilcotin).
· See RBAE 31 : 728 (Assiniboin, Fox, Haida, Hare, Ojibwa (Jones, PAES 3 : 485' Shoshoni, Shuswap, Tlingit, Tsimshian).
3 Summary of part of an address before the Anthropological Society of Washington, and one before the American Anthropological Association. The information is based upon three weeks' field-work among the Peorias in August and September, 1916, under the joint auspices of the Bureau of American Ethnology and Illinois Centennial Commission. Printed by permission of the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.
dupes wolf which is European, and another which is demonstrably native; and, owing to the psychological similarity of the two series, it is impossible to determine whether the tale is native or European without access to large European collections. A European tale attached to a native cycle is “Seven-Heads,” which is associated with the cycle of the culture-hero; so is the story of how the raccoon tied bells on the wolf. The native story then proceeds nearly as in Jones's “Fox Texts" up to the point where the wolf bumps into the trees.
Lest it be thought that European elements completely dominate Peoria folk-lore and mythology, I hasten to say that the native elements are far more numerous. In a comparative study of aboriginal Peoria folk-tales and mythology, we are very much handicapped by the fact that, though there is abundant published and unpublished Ojibwa material, we have almost no Ottawa, Algonkin, and Potawatomi collections at hand to know whether the Ojibwa material is characteristic for the group. It will be recalled that Peoria linguistically belongs with this group of Central Algonquian languages (see the 28th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology). In short, our problem is whether the members of the Ojibwa linguistic group also have a mythology and folk-lore more closely resembling each other than those of other linguistic groups. Professor Dixon, in his comparative study of Central and Eastern Algonquian folk-tales and mythology, published some years ago in this Journal (22 : 1-9), came to the conclusion that Fox and Potawatomi folk-lore and mythology formed a group as opposed to Ojibwa. In short, the distribution of the tales and myths did not coincide with the linguistic units. (At the time, the linguistic classification of Algonquian tribes was not known, though it was generally conceded that Ojibwa, Ottawa, and Potawatomi were extremely close linguistically.) However, the actual Potawatomi material was, and still is (see addition at the end), entirely too inadequate to safely generalize from. The Peoria tales and myths collected by myself, though supplemented in one or two cases by those gathered by the late Dr. Gatschet, are sufficiently numerous to partly answer the question. First of all, it is evident that we have plains and plateau elements which are not Central Algonquian at all. Such are the tales of Wämba qui penem longam habuit et feminam trans Aumen stupravit;' the adventure of the culture-hero and the supposed dead woman; the story of how the culture-hero fell in love with his daughter and married her, and his subsequent detection. From a study of other native Peoria folk-tales and myths we get the impression that we have two periods to deal with, — an old one of associations with the Ojibwa group, and a recent one of relations with the Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo group. This corresponds to the linguistic facts (see the "Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences," 7:231). The tale of the bungling host's adventure · with the squirrel, and his failure to get meat from his wife's back, belong to the older set; that of the bungling host's adventure with the beaver, with the more recent one; and the mistaking the pubic hairs of the culture-hero for bear-hair also belongs to the latter set (formerly thought to be Kickapoo only). The flight of the culture-hero with the geese probably also belongs to the former set. Naturally a good many tales of the culture-hero are found in both groups. One informant substituted the wolf for the culturehero in many of these. Among the Peoria tales that have not thus far
1 Potawatomi also, Michelson, information, 1917.
(extremely was such a poow he failed",
shell for the scene), hoor hunter ech to get lofa
been recorded elsewhere, are those of how the culture-hero failed to get spotted clothing like a fawn's hide, and how he failed to get long hair like a woman's; the man who was such a poor hunter that he couldn't even catch a raccoon (extremely obscene); how opossum mistook his fur for drizzling rain, his ears for the sky, his testicles for papaws; the girl who turned into a soft-shelled turtle to marry the painted turtle; the contest between the rabbit and bear (opossum in one version) as to whether there should be daylight or darkness. On the whole, the number of tales that have not thus far been recorded elsewhere is greater than one would expect; however, it may be that collections from the Potawatomi and Ottawa would reduce the number. Some of the episodes that occur elsewhere are arranged in a quite novel grouping. For instance, the tale of SnappingTurtle on the warpath ends with his escape in the water; the second part (his revenge when they attempt to catch him in the water) is attached to the wolf cycle after the wolf has entered the water.
Addition, December, 1917. — Two weeks' field-work with the Potawatomi last fall have made it clear that Professor Dixon's contention that Potawatomi and Fox form a separate group among Central Algonquians as regards folk-lore and mythology is a mistaken one. We must rather assume an early association with Ojibwa, and a later one with Fox. Plains and plateau elements also occur. European elements are quite numerous. In the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 2 : 298, I have shown that the Peoria system of consanguinity has patently been affected by that of the Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo. The data obtained in actual field-work confirm this in every way.
TRUMAN MICHELSON. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,
ALL-SOULS DAY AT ZUÑI, ACOMA, AND LAGUNA. — Towards the end of October · the Zuñi celebrate ahoppa awan tewa (“the dead their day"). It is announced four days in advance from the house-top by santu weachona'we, the saint's crier. He also calls out that it is time to bring in wood. A portion of whatever is cooked on ahoppa awan tewa is thrown on the house-fire 3 by the women, or carried by the men to the "wide ditch" on the river-side, where possessions of the dead are habitually buried."
At nightfall boys go about town in groups, calling out, “Tsale' mo, tsale' mo!” 5 and paying domiciliary visits. At the threshold they make
1 In 1915 ahoppa awan tewa was on Oct. 30; in 1916, on Oct. 17. How the day is reckoned I do not know. It is said vaguely that the day falls some time after the kohaiilo; i.e., the beginning of the count of forty-nine days to the advent of shalako. According to one informant, the date falls five days after the new moon after the full moon of the kohaiito.
2 The Catholic Church has been disestablished in Zuñi for a century; but an image of the saint has been preserved, and her cult in part kept up.
3 To remember the dead, it is a daily practice, both at Zuñi and at Laguna, to drop a bit of food on the fire or crumble it on the floor.
• One informant stated that at supper every member of the household put a piece of meat or bread on the fire.
A “Mexican" word, but the meaning is unknown. One informant thought it meant “Give me to eat." See B. Freire-Marreco, "New-Mexican Spanish Folk-Lore" (JAFI. 29 (1910) : 538-539).
VOL. XXX. —NO. 117.-32.
the sign of the cross, saying the “Mexican" prayer, pola senya;' and the inmates give the boys presents of food, - bread or meat. In spite of the “Mexican" features of ahoppa awan tewa, the Zuñi assert that the day has always been observed by the people, and that it is in no wise a Catholic ceremonial.
In Catholic Acoma the Catholic character of the day is of course recognized. It is known as a church celebration to fall on a calendar day, Nov. I or 2, guessed my informant. At Acoma, too, parties of boys, as many as ten perhaps, will go around town, calling "Tsale' mo, tsale' mo!" They also ring a bell. Their “Mexican" prayer is, “Padre spirito santo amen.” They are given food. Food is also taken to the cemetery and placed around the foot of the wooden cross which stands there in the centre. The war-chiefs stand on guard. By morning, however, the food has disappeared. What becomes of it my informant did not know.
At Laguna, food is also taken to the cemetery. The day is called skuma sa shti (“skeleton day”); and to give to the dead on shuma sashti, the fattest sheep and the best pumpkins and melons are saved. A story goes that once a young man was told by his mother to bring in for the occasion the fattest two lambs of their flock. The young man objected. Soon thereafter he fell sick, and he lay in a trance for two or three days, until the medicine-man restored him. On coming to, he reported he had been with the dead. The church was full of them. Happy were they who had been well-provided for by their families. The unprovided were befriended by the provided.
On shuma sashti, candles are set out on the graves. A little ball of food made up of a bit of everything served to eat is also put on the fire. The boys who go about getting food call out, “Sare'mo, sare'mo!" Their “ Mexican" prayer is called porasinia.
Elsie Crews PARSONS. NEW YORK.
A ZUÑI FOLK-Tale. — Recently, when I was looking over some old field-notes, I came across a hitherto unpublished short Zuñi folk-tale which I recorded during my first visit to the pueblo of Zuñi. Nai'uchi,: the narrator, called it “The Origin of the Dragon-Fly; or, Why the Chief Priests receive the First Harvest from the Fields.” The story was jotted down
1 The index-finger of the right hand is bent, and the thumb held close to it and erect. As they touch the respective places, the following words are said: “Left temple (ela santu), right temple (kulusi), middle breast (lenuishta), forehead (imimiku), left shoulder (liplan. seniola), right shoulder (ios), forehead to chin (imimipali), middle breast (eleleho), left temple (eleshpintu), middle chin (santul, blowing into hand (amikiasusi)." The current Spanish formula is: Por la señal de la Santa Cruz. De nuestros enemigos libranos Señor. En el nombre del Padre, del Hijo, y del Espiritu Santo. Amen.
Although as given me at Zuñi some of the motions are faulty, the characteristic Spanish position of hand is observed, and the "amen " is said characteristically with fingers to lips. This conclusive motion at Zuñi is peculiarly interesting, as it seems to combine the Catholic motion and the Zuñi breath rite (yechuni).
2 Compare my Reizen en Onderzoekingen in Noord-Amerika (Leiden, 1885), pp. 273-306.
3 A chief priest of the Bow, and famous theurgist, who died in 1904. Nai'uchi was one of Cushing's staunchest friends, and later also of Mrs. Stevenson.
by me, largely in my native language and partly in English, just as it was immediately translated, period by period, by the late Frank Hamilton Cushing.
In reading it again after so many years, I find that this tale presents a blank, though apparently of little importance, which I shall indicate in the text. I presume this is due to my somewhat defective rendering of Cushing's version. Besides, there are one or two short passages in the story which now I am at a loss to interpret satisfactorily in connection with the text. I shall pass them over tacitly. Nevertheless I venture to publish the story as it is and for what it is worth, unaltered as regards its contents. I have only corrected and rewritten my bilingual rendering of Cushing's dictation into proper English, and added a few explanatory footnotes. Moreover, as far as I know, this tale was never published elsewhere, either by Cushing or by any other writer on Zuñi folk-lore. The story follows:
Long ago, in the town of Ha'wik’uh, the people were very careless and neglectful. They wasted their food. The old men advised them to be careful, but in vain.
Then the Gopher, the Squirrel, the Wood-Rat and several Insects held a council in order to gather up the food; but at last nothing was left. In the beginning of winter, famine came. The gods were angry.
So the people left, and went to the A'mukwikwe ? to get food. Ha'wik’uh was deserted, with the exception of two children, - a brother and his little sister. They were left behind while sleeping.
When the children woke up, they had nothing to eat. Thus the boy went out to catch snow-birds. On coming back, he said to his sister, "I am going to make a toy for you.” Thereupon he made a cage and a figure in the form of a dragon-fly 3 with black stripes and blue eyes, and hung up the cage. Then the boy put his sister on a cat's fur and told her to amuse herself with the toy.
After a while both fell asleep; but the Dragon-Fly made such a noise, that the children woke up. Thereupon the Dragon-Fly told them not to sleep, but to build a fire, and to loosen the string which fastened him to the cage, and let him out. The children did so, and the Dragon-Fly flew away.
He ultimately reached the Lake of the Dead, and there he went to the place where the dead were dancing. The dancers, seeing the Dragon-Fly, stopped, and asked him whence he came. The Dragon-Fly answered, "From Ha'wik’uh, where the people were starving. There are two children left, and I come to ask you how I could help them; for I am sure you can do something."
So the dead gathered corn and melons, which they gave to the DragonFly. They put these things up as compendiously as possible in order to
1 Ha'wik’uh, Aguico of the Spaniards, was the largest and principal town of Cibola. It is situated twelve miles southwest of the present Zuñi.
2 Hopi or Moqui Indians.
4 Kâ'thlu-ël-lon or Ko'thluwala'wa, a sacred lake and village situated about sixty miles southwest of Zuñi town, near the junction of Little Colorado and Zuñi Rivers. It plays a prominent part in Zuñi mythology and religion. The dead go first to Ko'thluwala'wa, the abiding-place of the Council of the Gods, and they often return hither to dance.