behalf of France, entirely accorded with the sentiments of Mr. Crampton's letter. "This will, it is hoped, facilitate the adoption by the government of the United States of the project, and enable the government of the United States, by associating themselves with those of Great Britain and France in this important declaration, to secure the future tranquility of the commerce of the world in those seas, to discourage illegal enterprises against Cuba, and to draw closer the bonds of amity which bind the United States to Great Britain, as well as to France and Spain." France has, within twenty years, ac quired a vast domain on the northern coast of Africa, with a fair prospect of indefinite extension. England, within half a century, has added very exten sively to her empire. These acquisitions have created no uneasiness on the part of the United States. In like manner, the United States have, within the same period, greatly increased their territory. The largest addition was that of Louisiana, which was purchased from France. These accessions of territory have prob ably caused no uneasiness to the great European powers, as they have been brought about by the operation of natMr. Webster's failing health prevent- ural causes, and without any disturbed his giving due attention to this com- ance of the international relations of munication, and his death occurring not the principal states. They have been long after, the president asked Mr. Ed- followed, also, by a great increase of ward Everett to undertake the duties mutually beneficial commercial interof secretary of state, which he did. Un- course between the United States and der date of the 1st of December, Mr. Europe. But the case would be differEverett addressed to the Comte de Sar-ent in reference to the transfer of Cuba tiges a long and very able letter, setting from Spain to any other European powforth the views entertained by our government in respect to this difficult and delicate topic. An extract or two from this letter may properly here be presented. er. That event could not take place without a serious derangement of the international system now existing; and it would indicate designs in reference to this hemisphere, which could not but awaken alarm in the United States. But the president has a graver objection to entering into the proposed convention. He has no wish to disguise the feeling that the compact, although equal in its terms, would be very unequal in substance. France and England, by entering into it, would disable themselves from obtaining possession of an island remote fom their seats of gov ernment, belonging to another Euro CH. VII.] MR. EVERETT'S LETTER. pean power, whose natural right to possess it must always be as good as their own-a distant island in another hemisphere, and one which by no ordinary or peaceful course of things could ever belong to either of them. If 1852. the present balance of power in Europe should be broken up, if Spain should become unable to maintain the island in her possession, and France and England should be engaged in a death struggle with each other, Cuba might then be the prize of the victor. Till these events all take place, the president does not see how Cuba can belong to any European power but Spain. The United States, on the other hand, would, by the proposed convention, disable themselves from making an acquisition which might take place without any disturbance of existing foreign relations, and in the natural order of things. The Island of Cuba lies at our doors. It commands the approach to the Gulf of Mexico, which washes the shores of five of our states. It bars the entrance of that great river which drains half the North American continent, and with its tributaries forms the largest system of internal water communication in the world. It keeps watch at the doorway of our intercourse with California by the Isthmus route. If an island like Cuba, belonging to the Spanish crown, guarded the entrance of the Thames and the Seine, and the United States should propose a convention like this to France and England, those powers would assuredly feel that the disability assumed by ourselves was far less serious than that which we asked them to The opinions of American assume. 495 1852. statesmen at different times, and under varying circumstances, have differed as to the desirableness of the acquisition of Cuba by the United States. Territorially and commercially it would, in our hands, be an extremely valuable possession. Under certain contingencies it might be almost essential to our safety. Still, for domestic reasons, on which, in a communication of this kind, it might not be proper to dwell, the president thinks that the incorporation of the island into the Union at the present time, although effected with the consent of Spain, would be a hazardous measure; and he would consider its acquisition by force, except in a just war with Spain, (should an event so greatly to be deprecated take place,) as a disgrace to the civilization of the age. Spain, meantime, has retained of her extensive dominions in this hemisphere, but the two Islands of Cuba and Porto Rico. A respectful sympathy for the fortunes of an ancient ally and a gallant people, with whom the United States have ever maintained the most friendly relations, would, if no other reason existed, make it our duty to leave her in the undisturbed possession of this little remnant of her mighty transatlantic empire. The president desires to do so; no word or deed of his will ever question her title, or shake her possession. But can it be expected to last very long? Can it resist this mighty current in the fortunes of the world? Is it desirable that it should do so? Can it be for the interest of Spain to cling to a possession that can only be 1852. maintained by a garrison of twentyfive or thirty thousand troops, a powerful naval force, and an annual expenditure for both arms of the service of at least $12,000,000? Cuba, at this moment, costs more to Spain, than the entire naval and military establishment of the United States costs the federal government. So far from being really injured by the loss of this island, there is no doubt that, were it peacefully transferred to the United States, a prosperous commerce between Cuba and Spain, resulting from ancient associations and common language and tastes, would be far more productive than the best contrived system of colonial taxation. Such, notoriously, has been the result to Great Britain of the establishment of the independence of the United States. The decline of Spain from the position which she held in the time of Charles V. is coeval with the foundation of her colonial system; while within twenty-five years, and since the loss of most of her colonies, she has entered upon a course of rapid ima course of rapid improvement unknown since the abdication of that emperor. No administration of this government, however strong in the public confidence in other respects, could stand a day under the odium of having stipulated with the great powers of Europe, that in no future time, under no change of circumstances, by no amicable arrangement with Spain, by no act of lawful war, (should that calamity unfortunately occur,) by no consent of the inhabitants of the island, should they, like the possessions of Spain on the 1852 American continent, succeed in render ing themselves independent, in fine, by no overruling necessity of self-preservation, should the United States ever make the acquisition of Cuba. For these reasons, which the president has thought it advisable, con sidering the importance of the subject, to direct me to unfold at some length, he feels constrained to decline respect fully the invitation of France and England to become parties to the proposed convention. He is persuaded, that these friendly powers will not attribute this refusal to any insensibility on his part to the advantages of the utmost harmony between the great maritime states on a subject of such importance. As little will Spain draw any unfavorable inference from this refusal; the rather, as the emphatic disclaimer of any designs against Cuba on the part of this government, contained in the present note, affords all the assurance which the president can constitutionally, or to any useful purpose, give of a practical concurrence with France and England in the wish not to disturb the possession of that island by Spain." On Monday, the 6th of December, the second session of the thirty-second Congress commenced, and President Fillmore's last annual message was sent in on the same day. In brief but clearly expressed terms, the president laid before the two Houses a statement of the condition of the country, and gave his views of the principal topics of moment, on which he felt bound to speak. With evident propriety, Mr. Fillmore acknowledged, in behalf of our country, the blessings of God's providence dur CH. VII.] MR. FILLMORE'S LAST MESSAGE. ing the past year; he alluded, with great feeling, to the lamented decease of Daniel Webster; and proceeded to give the present position of the fishery question between the United States and England. The condition of affairs in regard to Cuba was next spoken of, and the proposition of England and France, for a tripartite convention fully detail ed. Having stated, that he had declined becoming a party to this convention, the president went on to say; "Were this island comparatively destitute of inhabitants, or occupied by a kindred race, I should regard it, if voluntarily ceded by Spain, as a most desirable acquisition. But under existing circumstances, I should look its incorporation into our Union, as a very hazardous measure. It would bring into the confederacy a population of a different national stock, speaking a different language, and not likely to harmonize with the other members. It would probably affect in a prejudicial manner the industrial interests of the south; and it might revive those conflicts of opinion between the different sections of the country which lately shook the Union to its centre, and which have been so happily compromised." upon The subject of the Tehuantepec route (see p. 492); the relations of the United States to various South American powers; the settlement of the question as to the claim of Peru in regard to the Lobos Islands; and the steps taken with reference to the endeavoring to obtain a change in the policy of Japan towards other nations; were succinctly set forth. Having spoken of the burdens imposed VOL. III.-63 497 upon the department of state, Mr. Fillmore laid before Congress the present condition of the treasury. The receipts for the year were, $49,728,386; the expenditures were, $46,008,000; the balance in the treasury was, $14,632,135. The value of foreign imports during the year was estimated at $207,240,000; the aggregate exports were, $167,066,000, besides $42,507,285 in specie. The subject of the tariff, the Mexican boundary commission, the Indian tribes, etc., were also brought before the two Houses, and the president renewed his recommendations on the various topics of river and harbor improvements, fortifications, and the like. Having congratulated the national legislature and the country on the suc cess of our policy of non-interference in foreign affairs, and on the manifold blessings which we enjoy, Mr. Fillmore closed his message with modestly claiming, that he had discharged the duties of his responsible post, to the best of his ability, and with a single eye to the public good. 1852. The proceedings of Congress during this, the concluding session, were not of very material moment. In the Senate, there was much animated debate on the whole subject of the foreign policy of the United States. The Clayton-Bulwer treaty (1850) was brought up; General Cass had a great deal to say on the subject of the "Monroe doctrine"; Messrs. Seward, Chase, Butler, Mason, Soulé, and others, took part in the discussion; and the country generally was deeply interested in the important questions involved in dispute. Various matters of business 1853. occupied the attention of the House, and a number of acts of local interest were passed, together with a great variety of private bills. On the 11th of February, Mr. Mason, from the committee on foreign affairs, submitted a report in regard to the question of the treaty stipulations with Great Britain concerning Central America, in which the opinion was expressed in favor of existing British colonial establishments in Central America, but decidedly against her establishing new ones. The Mexican Garay grant was again brought up, but no action was had on the subject. The plan of a railroad from the Mississippi to the Pacific was repeatedly discussed in the Senate, and an amendment was finally adopted to the appropriation bill, authorizing the president to use $150,000 for the expenses of surveys, explorations of the route, etc. A bill was also passed, erecting a new territorial government out of part of Oregon, to be called the Territory of Washington. On the 3d of March, the session ended, and the thirty-second Congress closed its career. At the same date, the administration of Millard Fillmore was brought to an end, and he retired from the lofty station which he had well and worthily filled for nearly three years. They were years of importance in our history, and we think that it will be admitted by all candid observers, who have noted the progress of affairs under Mr. Fillmore's presidency, that he maintained the national honor and dignity in intercourse with foreign powers; he was ever the advocate of measures calculated to promote peace, harmony, concord, and attachment to the Union; and in every section of our vast country he received the meed of praise which was justly his due. may |