Shepherd moved up the river to prevent the junction of Day and Shays. Day's party were put to flight and escaped to Northampton. The party of Shays retreated to Amherst, destitute of all provision, except that obtained by plunder. Lincoln followed in the same direction, but finding that Shays had gone from that place, and that his troops could not be sheltered from the excessive cold nearer than at Hadley, he marched thither.

While at this place, Lincoln was informed that Shays had posted himself at Pelham hills, and he thought proper to address a letter to him, and his officers (on the 30th of Jan. 1787) of a firm, and dignified, but humane character, informing them that if they laid down their arms, and took the oath of allegiance to the Commonwealth, they would be recommended to the General Court for mercy. On the same day Shays replied, that he desired hostilities to cease, until an answer could be received to a petition then on its way to the General Court. To this communication Lincoln replied on the 31st, "Your request is totally inadmissible, as no powers are delegated to me, which would justify a delay of my operations. Hostilities I have not commenced. I have again to warn the people in arms against the Government, immediately to disband, as they "would avoid the ill consequences which may ensue, should "they be inattentive to this caution."

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The petition mentioned by Shays, and the intelligence received from Lincoln, induced the legislature to declare the existence of an open rebellion on the 4th day of February, 1787. On the third of February the insurgents were retreating towards Petersham. Of this fact, Lincoln had notice at three o'clock on the same day; but it was not made certain till six o'clock. Notwithstanding the severity of the weather, and the disadvantage of a night march, he gave orders to his troops to be ready, with three days' provision, at eight o'clock, at which time he departed in pursuit. When they had arrived at New Salem, about two o'clock in the morning, a violent wind from the north arose, severely cold, and accompanied by a snow-storm, which obstructed the path. There was no place for shelter, or refreshment; and as the intensity of the cold made it hazardous to stop in the road, for any purpose, there was no alternative but to pursue their disheartening march, which

could terminate no where but in the quarters of the enemy. Thus, their march was prolonged to thirty miles, in the night time, not a little resembling the retreat of the French from Moscow. At nine next morning Lincoln's front was at Petersham, his rear five miles distant.

This was the favorable moment for the insurgents. They had passed the night in comfortable quarters, and were in full vigor, and could easily be embodied, and conducted to action, against an exhausted force, of which only the front had presented itself. But Lincoln's flanks being defended by the depth of snow, and there being no approach but in the path in front, and having guarded this by placing his artillery in front, he advanced with the certainty of success.

The first notice which the insurgents had of Lincoln's presence, was from the entrance of the advanced guard among them. The surprise was complete. Their minds were directed to this wonderful achievement, and not to the advantages which they might have had over those who had performed it. Men who are conscious of being engaged in punishable acts, must be assured of superior strength, or driven to desperation, in contending against others who move under the impulse of duty. Their courage abandoned them; they instantly fled, thinking only of personal safety. One hundred and fifty were taken. The remainder escaped into neighbouring states.

LETTER IV.

JAN. 27, 1833.

NOTWITHSTANDING the energetic measures of Bowdoin in suppressing the rebellion, the attention of the people was again turned to Hancock. He was always the popular favorite, and it was hoped, by those who sought relief from the public burthens, that more was to be expected from him than from Bowdoin. Many who had been, in principle, opposed to rebellious measures, and those who promoted them, or were engaged in them, uniting in favor of Hancock, constituted a majority of the electors. In these early days it was suggested and believed, without any justi

fiable cause, that Bowdoin had English partialities; because an Englishman, who bore a title, had become his son-inlaw. Hancock having been elected, continued Governor until his death, which occurred in October, 1793, at the age of 56.

Hancock will be considered in the history of our country, as one of the greatest men of his age. How true this may be, distant generations are not likely to know. He was the son of a clergyman in Braintree, and was educated at Harvard College, and inherited a very ample fortune, from his childless uncle. Hancock left no child. He had a son who died at an early age from an unfortunate accident. Hancock was sent as a delegate to Congress in 1774, as before mentioned, and in consequence of his personal deportment, and his fame as a patriot, he was elevated, in an assembly of eminent men, to the dignity of President, which office he held when the Declaration of Independence was signed, at which time he was only thirty nine years of age.

In June, 1782, Governor Hancock had the appearance of advanced age, though only forty-five. He had been repeatedly and severely afflicted with the gout, a disease much more common in those days than it now is, while dyspepsia, if it existed at all, was not known by that name. * As recollected, at this time, Gov. Hancock was nearly six feet in stature, and of thin person, stooping a little, and apparently enfeebled by disease. His manners were very gracious, of the old style of dignified complaisance. His face had been very handsome. Dress was adapted quite as much to be ornamental as useful. Gentlemen wore wigs when abroad, and, commonly, caps, when at home. At this time, (June, 1782,) about noon, Hancock was dressed in a red velvet cap, within which was one of fine linen. The latter was turned up over the lower edge of the velvet one, two or three inches. He wore a blue damask gown, lined with silk; a white stock, a white satin embroidered waistcoat, black satin small-clothes, white silk stockings, and red morocco slippers. It was a general practice in genteel families, to

* It may be that the very general practice of drinking punch in the forenoon, and evening, by all who could afford it, was the cause of the common disease of gout.

have a tankard of punch made in the morning, and placed in a cooler when the season required it. Visiters were invited to partake of it. At this visit, Hancock took from the cooler, standing on the hearth, a full tankard, and drank first himself, and then offered it to those present. Hancock was hospitable. There might have been seen at his table, all classes, from grave and dignified clergy, down to the gifted in song, narration, anecdote and wit, with whom "noiseless falls the foot of Time, that only treads on flowers." There are more books, more reading, more thinking, and more interchange of thoughts derived from books, and conversation, at present, than there were fifty years ago. It is to be hoped that society is wiser, and happier, than it was, from being better instructed. Some persons may be of opinion, that if social intercourse is on a better footing than formerly, it is less interesting, less cordial than heretofore. It is not improbable that increase of numbers, and of wealth, tend to make the members of society more selfish; and to stifle expansive and generous feelings. Modes of life run into matters of show and ornament; and it becomes a serious occupation, to be able to compare condition on advantageous terms,

now,

Though Hancock was very wealthy, he was too much occupied with public affairs to be advantageously attentive to his own private ones. The times in which he lived, and the distinguished agency which fell to his lot, from his sincere and ardent devotion to the patriot cause, engendered a strong self regard. He was said to be somewhat sensitive, and easily offended, and very uneasy in the absence of the high consideration which he claimed, rather as a right, than a courtesy. He had strong personal friends, and equally strong personal enemies. From such causes arose some irritating difficulties. He had not only a commanding deportment, which he could qualify with a most attractive amenity, but a fine voice, and a highly graceful manner. These were traits which distinguished him from most men, and qualified him to preside, in popular assemblies, with great dignity.

Hancock was not supposed to be a man of great intellectual force by nature; and his early engagements in political life, and the scenes in which he was conversant, called for the exercise of his powers only in the public service. He

was so placed as not to have had occasion to display the force of his mind, in that service, so as to enable those of the present day to judge of it, excepting in his communications to the legislature. There is one exception. He delivered an oration on the massacre of March 5, 1770.

If history has any proper concern with the individual qualities of Hancock, it may be doubtful whether, in these respects, distant generations will know exactly what manner of man he was. But as a public man, this country is greatly indebted to him. He was most faithfully devoted to the cause of his country, and it is a high eulogy on his patriotism, that when the British government offered pardon to all the rebels, for all their offences, Hancock and one other (Samuel Adams) were the only persons to whom this grace was denied.

LETTER V.

FEB. 1, 1833.

But

ONE who has been a careful observer of political events, for a course of years, well knows, that it is in these, as it is in private life, in this respect:-sometimes seeming evil results in good; and seeming good, earnestly desired, and labored for, turns to evil. This may be shown in the occurrences just mentioned. Hancock's resignation, Bowdoin's election, his defeat at the third election (1787), and Hancock's re-election, were respectively considered at the time, by the best informed men, as public misfortunes. if Hancock had not resigned, the rebellion, probably, would not have been suppressed. The war would have extended to other states, and we might now have been in the like condition with that of the Spanish provinces in South America. If Hancock had not been elected in 1787, it is doubtful whether the federal constitution would have been adopted in this state; and if it had been rejected in Massachusetts, such was the respect in which this state was then held, it cannot be supposed that other states would have done differently from this. If the union of the states had not then been effected, it seems to have been admitted, that