people. Under what circumstances, and with what qualifications, these opinions were uttered, Mr. Jefferson does not make known, nor does it appear to have been material to his purpose to have known.

There are, in this volume, numerous remarks concerning Mr. Adams, apparently intended to make his fame odious to posterity. These remarks were preserved for publication, notwithstanding the renewed friendship with Mr. Adams. Some of them are these: December 26, 1797, (vol. iv. p. 503,) “Langdon tells me, that Adams," (in allusion to votes given for Clinton in opposition to Adams,) "gritting his "teeth, said, Damn 'em, damn 'em, damn 'em, you see that "elective government will not do."

Page 451. "Mr. Adams had originally been a repub"lican. The glare of royalty and nobility, during his mis"sion in England, had made him believe their fascination "to be a necessary ingredient in government. His book on "the American constitutions, had made known his political "bias. He was taken up by the monarchical federalists in "his absence, and on his return to the United States, he was by them made to believe that the general disposition "of our citizens was favorable to monarchy."

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It is difficult to reconcile this course of remark, with any sound moral or social principle, which well-informed gentlemen recognise. It is very possible that Mr. Adams may have entertained the abstract opinion, that the government of Great Britain, with some modifications, may be the best of which mankind are capable. But this is a very different affair from assuming, that Mr. Adams thought such a government should be attempted in this country. Let it even be supposed, as Mr. Jefferson would have it, that Mr. Adams thought that government the best for this country, what motive could Mr. Jefferson have had, twenty-five years after Mr. Adams had retired from public life, and had manifested, in various ways, a decided attachment to republican government, and after the affectionate friendship between these two men had been cemented by a correspondence of the most confidential character, that these sayings (if they were ever said) should be treasured up, and given to the world? One cannot but ask, how Mr. Adams would have regarded this? And as he was gone, and could not have suspected that his friend intended any such reproach to his memory,

then those who now consider these things, may ask, was this doing as one would be done by? Or, is this the conduct of a man of honor; of a real gentleman?

There is another circumstance which Mr. Jefferson's writings bring into prominent notice, and which goes far to settle his true character. Washington had selected Mr. Jefferson for one of his most confidential advisers, and under circumstances which ought to have decided Mr. Jefferson to adopt one of two courses; first, to reject the confidence; or, secondly, to accept it, and to use it agreeably to Washington's implied expectation. Now there was a translating clerk in Mr. Jefferson's office, by the name of Freneau; who was also the publisher of the National Gazette. This paper was issued continually, for .the principal purpose of bringing Washington's administration into contempt. It denied to him personally, both capacity and integrity. Freneau not only so published, but it was his practice daily to send, three copies of his paper to Washington. This became intolerable, and Washington could not forbear to speak to his cabinet counsellor, on this highly unjust and abusive conduct of his own clerk; and requested his interference, as a member of the administration, to rebuke Freneau. Considering the relation in which Jefferson stood to Washington, and the fact of Freneau's dependence on the former, what would have been the course of a fair dealing, conscientious person? Mr. Jefferson, more than thirty years after this time, and in contemplation of his own decease, and in preparing the materials for pages to be read after he was gone, tells what his course was. He says, (vol. iv. p. 491,) that Washington, at a cabinet council, remarked, "That rascal, Freneau, sent him three of his papers every day, as "if he thought he (Washington) would become the distri"buter of his papers; that he could see in this, nothing but an impudent design to insult him; he ended in this high "tone." Again at a meeting, May 23, 1793, (vol. iv. p. 485,) speaking of Washington, Mr. Jefferson says, " He ad"verted to a piece in Freneau's paper of yesterday; he said "he despised all their attacks on him personally, but that "there had never been an act of the government, not meaning in the executive line only, but in any line, which that paper had not abused. He was evidently sore and warm, " and I took his intention to be, that I should interpose in

"some way with Freneau, perhaps withdraw his appoint"ment of translating clerk to my office. But I will not do "it. His paper has saved our constitution, which was galloping fast into monarchy, and has been checked, by no "one means so powerfully as by that paper. It is well and "universally known, that it has been that paper, which has "checked the career of the monocrats; and the President, "not sensible of the designs of the party, has not with his "usual good sense, and sang froid, looked on the efforts and "effects of this free press, and seen, that though some bad things have passed through it to the public, yet the good "have preponderated immensely."

Mr. Jefferson could elect to retain Freneau, and to patronize his paper, and to approve of his abuse of Washington; but that he could retain his place, and daily appear before Washington, and affect to be well-disposed towards him, and his administration, cannot be reconciled with the feelings and sentiments of any honorable man. Why such a man as Washington, kept such a man as he knew Jefferson to be, near him, and in his counsels, can be accounted for only on the supposition, that Washington desired to sacrifice his own feelings, to what he may have considered to be the public good. Mr. Jefferson takes great pains to show, that Washington was exceedingly reluctant to have him retire, and kept him in office, against his own will, throughout the year 1793. This is very possible. There may have been good reasons for desiring to retain Mr. Jefferson, in the probable relation of the United States to France. We have Mr. Jefferson's version of the matter. A contradictory one could come only from Washington himself. He knew that would never come; for Washington is not supposed to have kept memoranda of his confidential intercourse for public inspection, nor, probably, even for his

own.

Mr. Jefferson is as little merciful to Washington, as to other men of whom he records his opinions. In page 467, of vol. iv., he remarks on Washington, who was then in his sixty-first year, that he was sensible of the decay of his hearing, of which no one is supposed to have heard but Mr. Jefferson.

In page 455, (29th February, 1792,) when Washington was only sixty years old, Mr. Jefferson relates a conversa

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tion on Washington's retirement from office, in which the latter is reported to have said, "that he really felt himself growing old; his bodily health less firm, his memory "always bad, becoming worse, and perhaps the other facul"ties of his mind showing a decay to others, of which he was not sensible himself, and that this apprehension par"ticularly oppressed him." It may be that Washington selected Mr. Jefferson for this delicate and confidential communication. It is very unlike the supposed reserve, and habitual dignity of Washington; and not reconcilable with his performance of the duties of his second term; nor with his acceptance of the command of the army, six years afterwards. One is at a loss even to conjecture the motive for making this record, if it was not to depreciate Washington, which is obviously the motive in the following quotation:

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Page 512, "Rush," (Dr. Rush, of Philadelphia,) "observes, he never did say a word on the subject, in any of "his public papers, except in his valedictory letter to the governors of the states, when he resigned his commission "in the army, wherein he speaks of the benign influence "of the Christian religion.'

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"I know that Gouverneur Morris, who pretended to be in "his secrets, and believed himself to be so, has often told me, that General Washington believed no more of that system than he did himself." That is, Morris admitted himself to be an infidel, and also knew that Washington was an infidel!

In the same manner, Mr. Jefferson appears to have treasured up all the opinions imputed to George Cabot, Samuel Dexter, Christopher Gore, Robert G. Harper, Rufus King, John Jay, Harrison G. Otis, Timothy Pickering, John Lowell, and many other eminent men, for the apparent purpose of proving to posterity, that they were enemies of the institutions of their own country, and leagued together to introduce a monarchy. It is to be remembered that the recorded sayings and opinions came through two or more mouths, and that the principal informant was a man of whom Mr. Jefferson himself says, "he is too credulous of what he hears."*

The fourth volume of Mr. Jefferson's works, abounds

*

Beckley, clerk of the House of Representatives.

with these narrations, concerning the distinguished men of our country, for purposes which cannot be otherwise understood than as designed to make these men odious. Now Mr. Jefferson may have thought all this right, and becoming. But so many of these tales are so near akin to mere gossip, that it is surprising any gentleman could be disposed to hear them. More surprising that any gentleman should record them as truths. Lamentable, that they should have been destined to the eye of future generations, with the sanction of one who had held the highest offices in the gift of his countrymen.

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LETTER XXXV.

JUNE 9, 1833.

THE two points on which Mr. Jefferson appears to rely most, to prove the design of establishing a monarchy, and a corrupt one too, are the funding system, and the national bank. He considers, whenever he mentions the former, that the object was to create, in the two branches of the legislature, treasury votes" enough to carry all the measures of the administration; and that these must always be measures which ought not to be carried. He considers, too, that every federalist who came into either branch, must have been corrupted by the funding system or bank, although not members when either was established. This is a very comprehensive denunciation; and not worth answering at this day, if it were not to show the true character of Mr. Jefferson's credulity, or something worse.

The best refutation may be, to mention the names of the majorities in both branches, who voted to provide for the public debt. If they were the corrupt men alluded to, they were not so avaricious as may be supposed; and not so wise, as wicked, since no one was afterwards known to have changed his condition for the better, in consequence of his

votes.

The funding system was finally established in July, 1790. Those who voted for it in the Senate were: