accurately defined as could be done by human wisdom. It had received a practical construction during twelve years, by very able men, and whom history will honor as wise, virtuous, and patriotic. Fallible, they may have been, and may have erred, under high party excitements, and in opposing those whom they regarded as dangerous partisans, whether these were deluded, or dishonest.

The Jeffersonian party, of the last thirty years, have never amended the system which the first twelve years established. They have often departed from it, and perverted it; but in their pressing necessities have always returned to it, and relied upon it. That system contemplated and provided for the national security and independence, by a sound credit, by reasonable means of defence, by honorable and prudent policy, as to all other nations. At home, it meant to secure, and did secure, tranquillity, the reasonable protection of domestic industry, gradual internal improvement, a sound currency, and unrestrained exercise of every power to acquire and enjoy, so far as the policy, rightfully adopted by foreign nations, would allow. This system left, to state sovereignty, its legitimate sphere of action, uncontrolled. As the guardian and protector of all these rights, privileges, and enjoyments, it provided a learned and independent judiciary, capable of restraining the plain excess of legislative and executive action in national affairs; and of state sovereignty, whenever this should happen to exercise power, which the people had clearly vested in the sovereignty of the

nation.

At

At the time when Mr. Jefferson came in, the United States were prosperous under that system. The relations with all foreign nations (except two on the coast of Barbary) were pacific; and with most of them, friendly. The public debt was insignificant, compared with national means. home, excepting the factious temper, (which Mr. Jefferson had done much to encourage,) all was well; and never had any man a fairer opportunity to secure to himself an honorable fame, and to transmit his memory, to distant days as one of the worthiest of rulers our country had known. There was reason to expect that the party who had hoped nothing, but had feared every thing from him, might have been unjustifiably prejudiced.

66

LETTER XXXIX.

66

JUNE 27, 1833.

In his inaugural speech, Mr. Jefferson soothed the serious apprehensions which were entertained, as to the manner in which he might exercise executive power. "Let us reflect," says he, “that having banished from our land that religious "intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suf"fered, we have yet gained little, if we countenance an "intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter "and bloody persecutions." Every difference of opinion "is not a difference of principle. We have called by dif "ferent names brethren of the same principles. We are "all republicans, all federalists." "If there be any among us, who would wish to dissolve this Union, or to change "its republican form, let them stand undisturbed, as monu"ments of the safety with which error of opinion may be "tolerated, when reason is left free to combat it." these declarations there was good reason to hope, that Mr. Jefferson intended to be the President of the United States, and not the chief of an intolerant and vindictive party. Afflicted as the federalists may have been at seeing the executive power pass into his hands, they would have cheerfully sustained him in the exercise of it, if that exercise of power had been even in conformity with his own declarations. On the contrary, Mr. Jefferson did all he could to subvert every measure which the federal party had adopted, and to obliterate every trace of their administration.

From

Whatever may be thought of the personal deportment of the two first Presidents, as essential to the maintenance and dignity of their stations, and to secure themselves from interruptions, and from the loss of time necessary in the discharge of public duties, it could not be agreeable to the nation, to see the abolition of all official dignity. This it was Mr. Jefferson's pleasure to do. He had no appropriate hours for visiting. He was accessible by any one, almost at any hour, and descended, at once, to the lowest level. To this example may be traced the scenes which are noticed at this day, in the abode of the President, and which mortify

our own community, and furnish a subject of ridicule to European travellers.

The first contrast between Mr. Jefferson's inaugural declarations and his intended acts occurred early in 1801. Elizur Goodrich had been appointed collector of New Haven by Mr. Adams. In June he was removed, without any suggestion of incompetency, as to talents or integrity, and a partisan, by the name of Samuel Bishop, was appointed. This drew from the merchants and most respectable men of that city a calm remonstrance, in which they assert Goodrich's promptness, integrity, and ability; and add, that these were qualities not to be found in Bishop. They also assert, that Bishop was nearly seventy-eight years of age, and so infirm as scarcely to be able to write his own name; that he was unacquainted with revenue laws, or mercantile business, or even with the most simple forms of accounting. To this remonstrance Mr. Jefferson made an answer, on the 12th of July, in which he says, among other things: "Declarations by myself in favor of political tolerance, "exhortations to harmony and affection in social intercourse, "and respect for the equal rights of the minority have, on "certain occasions, been quoted and misconstrued into as"surances, that the tenure of offices was not to be disturbed. "But could candor apply such a construction?"

It was thus manifested what Mr. Jefferson's construction of assurances would be, and what his acts would be, throughout his administration.

In the memorable debate which arose on Mr. Jefferson's proposal to abolish the Courts, (House of Rep. Feb. 1802,) Mr. Giles's speech disclosed the hostility which the Jeffersonians entertained towards all federal measures from the first institution of the government. Mr. Bayard, in his masterly reply to Mr. Giles, states what the executive policy had already shown itself to be in dismissing worthy officers, and in appointing mere partisans. Mr. B. said: "If the eyes "of the gentleman are delighted with victims,—if objects "of misery are grateful to his feelings, let me turn his "view from the walks of the Judges to the track of the 66 present executive. It is in this path that we see the real "victims of stern, uncharitable, unrelenting power. It is "here we see the soldier who fought the battles of the revo"lution, who spilt his blood, and devoted his strength to

"establish the independence of his country, deprived of the "reward of his services, and left to pine in penury and "wretchedness. It is along this path that you may see "helpless children crying for bread, and gray hairs sinking "in sorrow to the grave! It is here, that no innocence, no merit, no truth, no services can save the unhappy sectary, "who does not believe in the creed of those in power."

That which the people of the United States ought to regard with abhorrence, in a President, is the implied invitation given by Mr. Jefferson to all political adversaries, to abandon their creeds and adopt his own; and the clearly implied promise of reward for apostacy. This was a wellknown mode of strengthening party, long before there were white Americans. Mr. Jefferson has the distinction of having introduced it into our republic. He carried it to its full extent, officially and privately. In no nation, no, not even in Rome, in its most corrupt days, has this demoralizing seduction been more effective than in our own land, since Mr. Jefferson became President.

Opinions, long entertained, as to men and measures, and as to creeds in religion, are sometimes honestly and honorably abandoned, and opposite ones adopted. But a change cannot be honest or honorable, where there is no new fact, nor any reason for viewing facts, before admitted, in any new light. Surely no change can be so, where the sudden convert realizes benefits, not to be had without apostacy.

The distinction between parties was so marked in Mr. Jefferson's time, that there could be no half-way change. The convert could do nothing short of what is done by a deserter from an army. Those who went over to Jeffersonism had the only merit of being ashamed of their desertion. To cover this, and to prove their sincerity, they resorted to the bitterest condemnation of their former principles and associates. The most malignant libellers of federal men and of federal measures were those who had been federalists themselves. Sustained by the salaries of office, and raised by titles above those they had deserted, they could clearly see how base, plotting, and traitorous some of their fellow citizens were, with whom, but yesterday, they were proud to rank, and most zealous to uphold as worthy patriots. Trace such men through to the end, and how has it fared with them? By adroit and timely desertions they

But,

may have found, for a while, office and emolument. how is it with them, when they come to the searching question, What do my fellow men think of me? A Cæsar, an Augustus, a Napoleon cannot evade this question. The long list of dishonest deserters, which could be furnished, would show, that few, in the revolutionary action of party, secured the good they sought; and that all of them planted a thorn in conscience, which never withers, nor ceases to prick. This was one of the practical uses of Mr. Jefferson's "exhortation to harmony and affection in social in"tercourse."

There were instances of departure from the federal side, distinguishable from such as have been mentioned, and which did not deserve reproach. There were timid men, who did not entirely approve of federal views of the national policy; others, who thought themselves not to have been sufficiently valued and respected by their federal associates; and some, who were by nature and inclination Jeffersonians, and who originally mistook their side, and very properly went over where they belonged. When one leaves the true line, circumstances force him further and further from it, and he must go over to the adversary, finally, as there is no intermediate tenure. But in all cases of such change of opinion, there seems to have been a feeling, not unlike that in political changes, at the present day. One, who goes over from the opposition to the Jackson ranks, feels that he has a defence to make; while one who abandons Jacksonism holds his head up, and feels that he has done an act for which he may respect himself. Thus in politics, as in morals, there is a sense of right and wrong, which men are alive to, whether they admit its influence or not. There are few Jackson men in the United States, (who can pretend to good sense and sound principle,) who do not feel a degree of shame that they are such.

It is the disease of republics, that they give life and action to craving, knavish pretenders to integrity and patriotism. They are the humble servants of any power that has anything to bestow. They are incompetent to gaining their daily bread in any of the industrious orders of social life; and must, therefore, be where they can catch the droppings of the treasury. Political chevaliers d'industrie, they are ready to profess and to do anything that promises gain and