states, before the convention met. These commentaries had been generally read. At the head of all of them are the numbers entitled "The Federalist," which were the joint work of Jay, Hamilton, and Madison, but principally of Hamilton. This work is held to be a high authority at the present day, as explanatory of the constitution. The theory and practice of mankind in government, from the earliest ages, were open to discussion as illustrative of the serious measure proposed to the American people; and it could not. be otherwise than that the ablest men in the country should have been enlisted on the one side and the other. No one who did not live at that time, with capacity to comprehend the operation of hopes, fears, jealousies, doubts, and perplexities, can conceive of the sober and absorbing interest which was then experienced in this community. This interest was more deeply felt in Massachusetts than in any other state, in consequence of the recent rebellion; and from this cause the zeal, both of advocates and opponents, may have been the more ardent. There are few, if any, men now living who were members of this convention. Some of them held eminent stations in public life in after times. There are not many now living who knew them personally, and of these perhaps there is no one who will take the labor of describing them, unless it be done in these letters. All the men who took any active part in this assembly, and who were sufficiently prominent to be objects of curiosity, will be described according to the impressions which memory retains.

LETTER VII.

FEB. 8, 1833.

THE Course of discussion was to take up paragraphs of the constitution, in their order, and for each member, who saw fit, to express his opinion. The final and only question was, on the acceptance or rejection of the instrument, in whole. Elbridge Gerry, who had been a member of the convention, and afterwards Vice President of the United States, as well as Governor of Massachusetts, was invited to

take a seat in the convention, that he might be called on for explanations. He was so called on twice; and, on debate, it was settled, that his answers should be given in writing. This gentleman was opposed to the constitution, and so declared himself to be, in a letter addressed to Gov. ernor Hancock before he came home. Mr. Gerry was a man of middling stature, and thin person, of courteous manners, and gentlemanly appearance. He took an active and zealous part in the revolution. His public transactions are recorded in different forms, and to these reference is made to satisfy curiosity, as to his ability and his usefulness in public services.

The first important debate that occurred in the convention, was on the election of representatives for two years. Fisher Ames distinguished himself in this debate. He was then about thirty years of age, and had been known as a writer on the politics of the day. His speech, on this occasion, placed him in an eminent rank as a statesman, and orator, which he made still higher and higher as long as his public life continued. No man has appeared in this country, who took a deeper interest in its prosperity and honor; and it is not an easy matter to point out his superior in comprehensive and just views, or in ability to display them, whether in speech, or writing. It is said that the eloquence of the tongue, and the pen, do not often occur in the same man; he was alike eminent in both.

The constitution having been adopted by nine states in the course of the year 1788, the first elections under it occurred in the autumn of that year. Mr. Ames was sent to Congress, and remained a member during the whole of Washington's administration. He made many elaborate and able speeches. There is a test of congressional excellence, in the general sentiment which the public acquire, not from the hearing, or reading, of speeches by each one who pretends to an opinion, but by a community of sentiment, of which friends and foes admit the correctness. Thus, there are thousands who know that Mr. Ames was an eloquent statesman, who never heard his voice, nor read a word of his utterance. The two speeches which may be considered to have precedence of all others which he made, were that on Mr. Madison's resolutions, and that on granting appropriations under Jay's treaty. The former was

delivered on the 27th January, 1794, the latter on the 28th April, 1796. The first of these speeches was in answer to a course of policy, (proposed for the first time at the suggestion of Mr. Jefferson in an official report,) which was afterwards fully developed, and carried into effect, during the administrations of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison. The second speech was, probably, the greatest effort of his political life. He was then in a state of health which seemed to forbid any effort. He is represented to have given up all hope of being able to speak. His manly form, enfeebled by disease, was hardly capable of supporting him in the action of his unimpaired mind, and, no doubt, this circumstance tended to excite a highly increased interest. No one who heard him could suppose it possible that he should ever be heard again in any legislative assembly. His friend and biographer, the Rev. Dr. Kirkland, in his beautiful sketch of Ames, says of this speech, "When he “had finished, a member in opposition moved to postpone "the decision on the question, that they might not vote "under the influence of a sensibility, which their calm "judgment might condemn." Mr. Ames so far recovered as to attend the next session of Congress. He lived till the 4th of July, 1808, and died at the age of 50. Dr. Kirkland's volume contains his speeches and his writings, most of which are essays on the political affairs of this country, and Europe; and also "Hints and Conjectures concerning "the Institutions of Lycurgus, "American Litera"Review of a Pamphlet entittled, Present State "of the British Constitution, historically illustrated, "— "Sketch of the Character of Alexander Hamilton."

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Though Mr. Ames's professional brethren held him in the highest respect, they concurred with his biographer, that he was more adapted to the senate than the bar. "It was easy and delightful to him to illustrate by a pic"ture, but painful and laborious to prove by a diagram." Mr. Ames was a man of purest morals; of most amiable disposition; and most sincerely beloved by his friends, among whom were some of the most eminent men of that day. He was above middle stature, and well formed. His features were not strongly marked. His forehead was neither high nor expansive. His eyes blue and of middling size; his mouth handsome; his hair was black, and short on the

forehead, and, in his latter years, unpowdered. He was very erect, and when speaking he raised his head, or rather his chin was the most projected part of his face. He had a complacent expression when he was speaking, and if he meant to be severe, it was seen in good-natured sarcasm, rather than in ill-natured words. It was said that the

beautiful productions of his pen were the first flow of his mind, and hardly corrected for the press. Mr. Ames's life is supposed to have been shortened by his excessive anxiety about his country. Many of his predictions have been realized, and some of them in his lifetime. His air, manner, and countenance, were those of an honest and sincere man; the condition of the country furnishes abundant proof that he was, politically, a wise man; all his mournful prophesies may be in the course of fulfilment.

Rufus King was a member of this convention, from Newburyport. He had been in the first Congress. At this time he was thirty-three years of age. He was an uncommonly handsome man, in face and form; he had a powerful mind, well cultivated; and was a dignified and graceful speaker. He had the appearance of one who was a gentleman by nature, and who had well improved all her gifts. It is a rare occurrence to see a finer assemblage of personal and intellectual qualities, cultivated to the best effect, than were seen in this gentleman. He expected to have been chosen to the Senate of the United States after the adoption of the constitution; but this not having happened, he went in the following year to reside in New York. He was there elected to the Senate of the United States in 1794; and was sent by Washington minister to London in 1796, and remained there till 1803. He was twice afterwards elected to the Senate; and when he was far advanced in life, he was again sent to London; but his health was so much impaired, that he came home in about a year, and died at the age of seventy-three. Mr. King's manner in the Senate was highly dignified, and in private life that of a polished gentleman. His speeches, in manner, and weight, gave him an exalted rank. Among his superior advantages was an accurate knowledge of dates, and facts, of most essential service in the Senate. His two finest speeches are said to have been on the burning of Washington by the British; and on the exclusion of Mr. Gallatin from the Senate, for

the reason, that he had not been a citizen long enough to be entitled to a seat there. Mr. King was a public man throughout his long life, with few and short intervals; but, like all other men, in our country, whose pride or pleasure depends on office, he was subjected to some disappointments. Yet he may be considered as one of the most successful of the eminent men whose relations to the public endured so long. The private life of Mr. King is said to have been highly respectable; biographical sketches of him mention, that he was a professor of Christianity.

Among other members of this convention, were Samuel Adams, Charles Jarvis, Christopher Gore, Benjamin Lincoln, Theophilus Parsons, George Cabot, Francis Dana, John Brooks, Caleb Strong, John Coffin Jones, Theodore Sedgwick. There may be occasion to mention these again, except Charles Jarvis, of whom it may be observed, that he was a zealous advocate for the constitution, though afterwards a decided opponent to the administration of it. This gentleman was a physician; he was a tall fine figure, bald head, rather large face, and small eyes. His motions were vehement, and he was of ardent character. He had a fine voice, and a natural popular eloquence, rarely surpassed. He was accustomed to pause in his eloquence, when he had said something which he thought impressive, and to look round upon his audience for the effect. This was a hazardous experiment, but he never seemed to fail in it.

LETTER VIII.

FEB. 13, 1833.

THE history of the world records no case of more intense interest, than that which pervaded the United States, in the year 1788. Thirteen independent sovereignties, seriously alarmed for their preservation against each other, more alarmed with the apprehension that they might give up the liberty, which they had gained with the utmost exertion of mind and body from foreign tyranny, to one of their own creation within their own limits, called into the deliberative assemblies of the time, all the able men of the country.