potism, and adduce devotion to the despot of continental Europe, as the proof. But unfortunately a majority of the American people honestly believed, that Napoleon was "the man of destiny sent to liberate the world from political slavery; and so some of Mr. Jefferson's admirers still maintain. In this warfare the Jeffersonians had the advantage, because they could make the majority believe as they thought best. The right and the wrong is now transferred to the tribunal of history; so let it go; but do not let the citizens of this day slide into despotism from the example and precepts of former times.

LETTER LIX.

DECEMBER 10, 1833.

NOTHING will better illustrate the sincerity of Mr. Madison's devotion to his party, than his twin effort in March, 1812, to inflame the excitement against England and his fellow citizens at Boston. It is amusing, that Mr. Madison should have paid an ingenious Irishman fifty thousand dollars, for an attempt to render a service to the object of his hatred, England; still more amusing, that all he got for his money was a faithful picture of Jefferson and himself, drawn by a British painter.

On the 9th of March, 1812, Mr. Madison sent a message to Congress, in which he says: "I lay before Congress copies of certain documents, which remain in the depart"ment of state. They PROVE, that at a recent period, "whilst the United States, notwithstanding the wrongs sus"tained by them, ceased not to observe the laws of peace "and neutrality towards Great Britain, and in the midst of "amicable professions and negotiations, on the part of the "British government, through its public minister here, a "secret agent of that government was employed, in certain "states, more especially at the seat of government in Massa"chusetts, in fomenting disaffection to the constituted au"thorities of the nation; and in intrigues with the disaffected, "for the purpose of bringing about resistance to the laws, "and eventually, in concert with a British force, of destroy

"ing the Union, and forming the eastern part thereof into a "political connexion with Great Britain.'

It was said and believed, at the time of the publication of the documents which accompanied this message, that the naturalized citizen of the United States (John Henry) outwitted Mr. Madison; that he did not disclose these documents until he had received fifty thousand dollars, which Mr. Madison took out of the secret service fund; and that forthwith, on the receipt of the money, Henry decamped and took passage for Europe, to enjoy his easily acquired fortune. It seems, that he had tried to get money and office from the Governor of Canada, and also from the ministry in England, without success; and that failing in these efforts, he made Mr. Madison pay him very handsomely for what? Giving a very just and true account of the distress and well grounded dissatisfaction, which all well-informed constitutional citizens felt, under the misrule of the two popular Presidents.

not.

Whether the British ministry knew, or connived at the mission of Henry by the Governor of Canada, is of no importance. It appears from Henry's showing, that they did The British minister, then at Washington, disavowed all knowledge of his government, that Henry was so employed. Mr. Madison had two objects in sending Henry's dearly purchased papers to Congress. 1. To inflame the hatred against Great Britain with his own party. 2. To make the federalists, " at the seat of government in Massachusetts," appear to be traitors. Unfortunately for Mr. Madison, neither of these effects was produced. It was at once discerned from the correspondence, that Henry had done no more, than to speculate on the character and views of parties, much to the disadvantage of Mr. Madison's party; and that he had never disclosed to any man in New England, that he was a missionary. It was also discerned, at once, that he was earning money, or office, and consequently made the most of his materials. The most ridiculous part of the affair was the sending of these papers to Congress, who could do nothing with them. They were, in compli ment to Mr. Madison, and to make some show of money's worth, committed with power to send for persons and papers. There was nobody to send for, but a French Count, who was supposed to have counselled Henry in his ingenious

contrivance. The committee reported, that, as Henry had not named any traitor, they could do nothing. There are many persons who remember John Henry, and that he was in Boston in 1809. But no one ever heard it suggested, that he was a British agent. He was said to be engaged in some sort of land speculation; but very few knew, or cared how he was employed. He was a handsome, well-behaved man, and was received in some respectable families.

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The principal value of John Henry's papers is, that Mr. Madison has filed in the office of Secretary of State a true account of his own administration, and a delineation of himself, to which none of the traitors at the seat of government in Massachusetts will object, since Mr. Madison has been pleased to pay for, adopt, and file among the archives the truth on these points, verified by Mr. Madison's own witness. The following are extracts from Henry's letters to the Governor of Canada. "On the subject of the embargo "laws there seems to be but one opinion: That they are unnecessary, oppressive, and unconstitutional. It must "also be observed, that the execution of them is so invidious, as to attract towards the officers of government the en"mity of the people, which is of course transferable to the government itself." "The embargo is the favorite meas"ure; and it is probable, that some other measure will be adopted to excite England to commit some act of hostility." "They will risk anything but the loss of power; and they are well aware, that their power would pass away with "the first calamity, which their measures might bring upon "the common people." Although it is believed, that there "is no probability of an immediate war, yet no doubts are "entertained, that Mr. Madison will fall upon some new "expedient, to bring about hostilities." "The past admin"istration in every transaction presents to the mind only "a muddy commixture of folly, weakness, and duplicity." "But the observations made on his (Mr. Madison's) friendly dispositions towards Great Britain is a matter of no little "astonishment. The whole tenor of his political life "directly and unequivocally contradicts them. His speech on the British treaty in 1799, ['96?]; his attempts to pass a law for the confiscation of British debts and British "property; his commercial resolutions, grounded apparently on an idea of making America useful, as a colony of

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*

"France; his conduct while Secretary of State, all form an "assemblage of probabilities, tending to convince me at least, that he does not seriously desire a treaty in which "the rights and pretensions of Great Britain would be fairly recognised. It seems impossible, that he should at once "divest himself of that habitual animosity and that pride of opinion, which his present situation enables him to in"dulge; but above all, that he should deprive his friends "and supporters of the benefit of those prejudices, which "have been carefully fostered in the minds of the common people against England, and which have so materially "contributed to invigorate and augment the democratic party."

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It is improbable, that John Henry exhibited such sketches of Mr. Madison to him before the money was paid. After it was paid, and Mr. Madison had examined his purchase, as the sum was considerable, it would be expended without value, if these papers were merely deposited in the Secretary's office. Perhaps it was not much otherwise, in attempting to make them significant by the solemnity of message, which might strengthen "those prejudices which "had been carefully fostered in the minds of the common "people against England;" and at the same time make one portion of the people distrust and hate another still more cordially. Whatever these documents were really worth, there they are "remaining in the department of state," deposited by Mr. Madison's own hand, as a memorial of his good sense and patriotism. Perhaps they did help to increase the animosity which prevailed between the parties, and to promote the reign of terror, which came with the

war.

These documents were sent on by a member of Congress of this vicinity, who had the honor of being one of the six in the committee of foreign relations who reported the war manifesto to the House, in the following month of June. They arrived here in the morning of one day, and the press was put in motion to multiply them and have them in readiness to come forth, and confound the Yankee traitors on the morning of the next day. The secret was not well kept. It reached the ears of one person with sufficient dis

* Founded on Mr. Jefferson's report when Secretary of State.

tinctness to make its general purpose understood. He sat down and wrote a refutation, to appear also on the next morning. It came out simultaneously with the documents, and was so triumphantly successful, as to take from Mr. Madison's barb all its venom- and all its force. The public were left only to wonder at the disposition with which it was thrown, and at the feebleness of the arm which threw it. (See the Commercial Gazette, of March, 1812.)

It is painful to believe, that so eminent a man, as Mr. Madison, has exposed himself to the suspicion of having intended to prevent the election of a federalist to the office of governor in Massachusetts, and to secure the election of one of his political friends; and of having used his own official power to this end. Whether this be a well-grounded suspicion, or not, may depend on the impression which the following facts may make.

John Henry arrived from England at Boston, December 23, 1811. He visited Governor Gerry, who gave him a letter of introduction to Mr. Madison, in which he says, that Henry's "professional, literary, and polite accomplishments have been much respected by all his acquaintance." This letter bears date January 11, 1812. Henry arrived at Washington January 31st, and kept within his lodgings in the day time, and made his visits in the evening. He left Washington February 11th. On the 10th of February, fifty thousand dollars were drawn from the treasury, in the name of John Graham, chief clerk in the office of Secretary of State. On the 11th of February, Henry arrived at Baltimore, and is said to have negotiated there an order of the Bank of Columbia at Washington in his favor, on the Mechanics' Bank of New York, for forty-eight thousand dollars. Henry sailed from New York (or some other port) for France on the ninth of March, in the United States sloop of war Wasp.

It is a curious fact, that Henry had been at Washington, had got his money, and had returned northwardly, and was at Baltimore on the 11th of February, and that his letter of disclosure to James Monroe, Secretary of State, is dated the 20th of that month, at Philadelphia. It is remarkable, that Mr. Madison had these disclosures at least twenty-five days before he made them known to Congress; that when he did so make them known, Henry was actually under sail for