impressment? What did Mr. Madison, or Mr. Jefferson really care for seamen, ships, and commerce ?

Such and many similar questions some future historian will discuss, to show the value of Mr. Madison's integrity and talents, as a public man. But he will also consider the close intimacy of this gentleman with Thomas Jefferson; he will not overlook the peculiarly disturbed state of the civilized world at this time; nor how difficult it is to govern in a country, where the press is free, and where there are exasperated parties. The historian will heed also how diseased the perceptions of great men may be, when they are ambitious and subjected to the dominion of party; nor will he, if deserving the trust which he assumes, forget that the station of a popular ruler is exceedingly arduous at all times, and that he needs especially that charity which few public men, or any others, have not needed.

The future historian will turn with pleasure to those parts of Mr. Madison's character, which all virtuous and intelligent Americans ought to respect him for; amongst others, for his services in framing and commending the constitution; for his conduct as chief magistrate, after the affairs of Europe took that turn which enabled him to escape from the toils in which Jefferson had entwined him; for his independence and good sense in establishing a national bank.* He will honor Mr. Madison for having re

*The charter of the first Bank of the United States had expired before the war began. The embarrassments of the war are supposed to have been greatly increased by the want of such an institution. All the state banks in the Union (except those of New England) were compelled to suspend specie payments. This was an unavoidable consequence of the war. It is supposed, that Mr. Madison was instructed by the experience of these times, that a national bank is indispensable in our country. His approbation of a bank entitles him to respectful consideration, because it was given against the well known opinion of Mr. Jefferson, and perhaps, against the opinion of a majority of citizens of his native state, to whom he was about to return to spend the remainder of his days. The following anecdote may show what the state of the country was at this time: A person carried to a bank in Pennsylvania some bills which that bank had issued, and demanded gold or silver for them. He was answered, that the bank did not pay gold or silver. "Give me then bills of the United "States Bank." There are none." "Then give me bills on any "bank in New England." "We have none of these." Pay me "then in the best counterfeit bills you have."

tired with dignity from his high station, and for having maintained that dignity in retirement; exhibiting an honorable and exemplary virtue, as a private citizen throughout a prolonged life.

The citizens of the present day, and all who are to be citizens while the republic continues, have a serious interest in the public character and conduct of the two first and two next Presidents. So recently after their ministry, and while one of them is still living, and while so many of both parties are still living, who are little likely to have changed their views, a fair and impartial judgment of these eminent men may be unattainable. But, if the materials for judging are not to be furnished to those who have become citizens, since these excitements have gone by, they must pass away themselves, before the time for impartial judgment may have come. How are such citizens to know, (what it most concerns them to know,) the origin and character of public policy, and the merits and faults of former agents? The constitution, be it remembered, is no more than a collection of rules, to be expounded by practice in the exigencies of a nation. The constitution of England is not like ours, written; but is found in a long series of political events and usages. If our citizens are not to know what has been the practical exposition of their constitution, in former times, they cannot know the soundness, or unsoundness of the current one. It is not too early to inquire what good or evil was done in the days of Washington and Adams; and what good or evil was done in the days of Jefferson and Madison, if one has any interest to know what good or evil is going on at the present day.

If any one who reads these pages is disposed to think them the product of party favoritism, he need not and will not rely on them. But let him look to the public documents which have been cited. Let him look to facts which are open to every man's view, and judge for himself. The writer has no point to carry, but to show Thomas Jefferson as he really was; and, fortunately, every proof that is needed has been furnished either by Mr. Jefferson's confidential associates, or by his own pen. In showing Thomas Jefferson as he was, it is believed that an abundance of indisputable facts have been stated to show, who and what they were whom he spent fifty years in CALUMNI

ATING, to carry his points. There are yet other facts to state of the same tendency, in their proper place.

The time is not afar off, when the American people will rid themselves of Mr. Jefferson's "heresies." They will understand his faults, his follies, and pretensions. They will estimate the worth of his assertions, made even from his own ashes. Self-sculptured, he stands forth, as calumniator, in a bold relief, unknown before of any man. He may be likened to the manager of a theatrical company, who has played in every variety of comedy and tragedy; and who at the close of the season, and when the curtain has dropped for the last time, re-appears and invites the whole audience to come behind the scenes, to see for themselves by what trumpery they have been beguiled of their money; and for what sort of kings, heroes, and patriots they have thundered applause, or shed tears of sympathy.

Mr. Jefferson's Religion.

Mr. Jefferson demands the admiration of the world. He ranks himself with Washington; with the benefactors of mankind. It is true, that he is not responsible to men for his religious opinions. But if he has taken on himself to disavow that religion on which believers found their hopes of the future; and which the wise and virtuous regard as the very bond of society and the best security for human happiness, he has essentially impaired the force of his demand. Considering Mr. Jefferson as an individual, it is of no more importance to inquire what his religion was, than what his friend Thomas Paine's was. But as he is still held up as an example, it is proper, that a Christian community should know what sort of a Christian he was. The following extracts will settle that matter. They might be multiplied, but it is painful to transcribe them:

In a letter to Mr. Adams, January 11th, 1817, (vol. iv. p. 300,) he says: "The result of your fifty or sixty years "of religious reading in the four words, 'be just and good,' "is that in which all our inquiries must end; as the riddles "of all the priesthood end in four more; ubi panis, ibi deus.' (My living is my religion.) What all agree in is probably right; what no two agree in is probably wrong. One lately inquired of me, whether he might consider as au

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"thentic the change in my religion, much spoken of in "some circles. Now this supposed, that they knew what "had been my religion before, taking for it the words of "their priests, whom I certainly never made the confidants "of my creed. My answer was: 'Say nothing of my religion. It is known to God and myself alone. Its evi"dence before the world is to be sought in my life; if that "has been HONEST AND DUTIFUL TO SOCIETY, the religion "which has regulated it cannot be a bad one.'"

It is with some reluctance, that the following extract is made from a letter of Jefferson to William Short, dated August 4th, 1820, (vol. iv. p. 327.)

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"That Jesus might conscientiously believe himself in"spired from above is very possible. The whole religion "of the Jews, inculcated on him from his infancy, was "founded in the belief of divine inspiration. The fumes of "the most disordered imaginations were recorded in their religious code, as special communications of the Deity; "and as it could not but happen, that, in the course of ages, “events would now and then turn up, to which some of "these vague rhapsodies might be accommodated by the "aid of allegories, figures, types, and other tricks upon "words, they have not only preserved their credit with the "Jews of all subsequent times, but are the foundation of "much of the religions of those, who have schismatized from "them. Elevated by the enthusiasm of a warm and pure 'heart, conscious of the high strains of an eloquence, which "had not been taught him, he might readily mistake the "coruscations of his own fine genius for the inspirations "of a higher order. This belief carried, therefore, no "more personal imputation, than the belief of Socrates, that "himself was under the care and admonitions of a guardian "Demon. And how many of our wisest men still believe in "the reality of these inspirations, while perfectly SANE on "all other subjects. Excusing, therefore, on these considerations, those passages in the gospels, which seem to "bear marks of weakness in Jesus, ascribing to him what "alone is consistent with the great and pure character "of which the same writings furnish proof; and to their "" proper authors their own trivialities and imbecilities, "I think myself authorized to conclude the purity and "distinction of his character, in opposition to the impostures

"which those authors would fix upon him." (Mr. Jefferson was about 77, when this letter was written; and his mind seems to have been as sound then as it had ever been. We should not have adverted to Mr. Jefferson's religious opinions, if he had not been held up as a Christian; and had not deliberately published, that Washington was an infidel.)

LETTER LXIX.

FEBRUARY 3, 1834.

ON Mr. Madison's retirement, Mr. Monroe (whose name should ever be associated with impressment and conscription) was the Jeffersonian candidate for President. The peace of Europe, our own peace, the return of prosperity, and the inexpressible relief from non-intercourse, embargo, and war, had made the federalists very indifferent as to Mr. Madison's successor. They had little to fear from him, and nothing to hope. Mr. Monroe met with little opposition at his first election, and with one opposing vote only at the second. He was of course a Jeffersonian President, and adhered to his party in all distributions of favors. He had no opportunity to adopt a mischievous policy, nor probably any desire to do it. His useful merit consisted in governing but little, and in leaving people to manage for themselves : a merit which belonged to neither of his predecessors.

It is a remarkable fact, that the most peaceable, tranquil, and prosperous eight years, which the country has experienced since the beginning of this century, was during the administration of this gentleman. Whether this arose from his positive, or negative qualities, or from the fact, that federalists never make opposition, for opposition's sake, and care not who governs, if they are governed well, it is not undertaken to decide.

If Mr. Monroe's talents and usefulness are to be measured by the number of his elections and appointments, he was, undoubtedly, the greatest man that has ever appeared in the United States. There are a sort of middling-men, who are not objects of envy, nor are they so inferior as to pass unnoticed. They are always ready for any office, and