quent political life. Chief Justice Marshall says, at a time when Mr. Jefferson was living, (vol. v. 488,) among other things: "This gentleman withdrew from political station, "at a moment when he stood particularly high in the es"teem of his countrymen. His fixed opposition to the "financial schemes proposed by the Secretary of the Trea"sury, and approved by the legislative and executive de"partments of the government; his ardent and undisguised "attachment to the revolutionary party in France; the "dispositions which he was declared to possess in regard "to Great Britain; and the popularity of his opinions respecting the constitution of the United States; had "devoted to him that immense party whose sentiments were supposed to comport with his on most, or all these "interesting subjects. To the opposite party, he had, of course, become particularly unacceptable. But the publi"cation of his correspondence with Mr. Genet, dissipated "much of the prejudice which had been excited against "him. He had, in that correspondence, maintained, with great ability, the opinions maintained by the federalists on "those points of difference, which had arisen between the "two republics. The partiality for France, which was "conspicuous through the whole of it, detracted nothing "from its merits, in the opinion of the friends of the ad"ministration, because, however decided they might be to 66 support their own government in a controversy with any "nation whatever, they felt all the partiality for that nation "which the correspondence expressed. The hostility of his "enemies, therefore, was for a time considerably lessened, "without a corresponding diminution of the attachment of "his friends. In office it would have been impracticable "long to preserve these dispositions. And it would have "been difficult to maintain that ascendency which he held "over the minds who had supported (and would probably "continue to support) every pretension of the French "Republic, without departing from principles and measures "which he had openly and ably defended."

It may not then have been Mr. Jefferson's love of his "clover fields," and desire of retirement, that carried him back (31st December, 1793,) to Monticello; but his perception of the same truths which were obvious to the historian. It is well remembered that Genet openly charged Mr.

Jefferson with having "a language official, and a language confidential."* He may have entertained very different opinions as secretary, from those which he entertained as a man, and which he might fearlessly act upon when he attained to the presidency.

Mr. Jefferson mentions Chief Justice Marshall several times, in his volumes, with some sensibility. In writing to his old friend John Adams, under date of January 15, 1813, (vol. iv. 195,) he remarks: "Marshall has written libels on (6 one side; others, I suppose, will be written on the other "side; and the world will sift both, and separate the truth as well as they can."

The session of Congress commenced on the 4th of December, 1793, was one of the most important and interesting that had hitherto occurred. It intimated the motives of parties, as they have since been developed, in public affairs. Both branches were composed of able men, and among them were some of the most eminent. The House of Representatives was nearly equally divided on great questions. The members who might be regarded as the most prominent in the Senate, were George Cabot, Caleb Strong, Oliver Ellsworth, Aaron Burr, Rufus King, Robert Morris, Albert Gallatin. In the House of Representatives, were Abraham Baldwin, William B. Giles, William B. Grove, Richard Bland Lee, Nathaniel Macon, James Madison, John Francis Mercer, F. A. Muhlenburg, Josiah Parker, Thomas Sumpter, Abraham Venable, Alexander White, who voted generally together. And on the other side, were Fisher Ames, Robert Barnwell, Egbert Benson, Jonathan Dayton, Thomas Fitzsimons, Nicholas Gilman, Benjamin Goodhue, James Hillhouse, William Hindman, Daniel Huger, Philip Key, John Laurence, Samuel Livermore, William Vans Murray, Theodore Sedgwick, Jeremiah Smith, William Smith, Jeremiah Wadsworth, Artemas Ward, who on most occasions voted together; and sometimes Elbridge Gerry voted with them.

To such men fell the duty of investigating the principles

* Mr. Jefferson, in a letter to Mr. G. Morris, says: "If our citizens "have not already been shedding each other's blood, it is not owing "to the moderation of Mr. Genet, but to the forbearance of the gov"ernment."

which ought to regulate commercial relations with all foreign countries, at a time when all Europe was in the paroxysm of revolution; and when the Mediterranean commerce was at the mercy of the Algerines; and the citizens of this country divided almost to the line of civil war, among themselves. In this high excitement the fortress which was to be demolished, or protected, was the Washington administration.

The first great legislative movement arose on Mr. Madison's resolutions on commercial affairs, presented on the 4th January, 1794; (founded on Mr. Jefferson's report.) This gentleman had disclosed similar views on the subject of tonnage duty, at the first Congress. The debate was long and acrimonious. The feelings of the House, and the character of the debate, may be judged of from this incident: Mr. Ames said, the resolutions had French stamped on the very face of them.

Josiah Parker, of Virginia, replied, that he wished there was a stamp on every forehead, to designate whether he was for France or Britain.

The two parties were so nearly balanced in the House of Representatives, that measures, deeply affecting the permanent interests of the United States, might be settled by majorities not exceeding five. In the Senate, the Vice President had, repeatedly, to settle the most important questions by his casting vote. An act to cut off all intercourse with Great Britain, passed the House by a small majority; in the Senate its fate depended on the casting vote of the Vice President, who voted against it.

Inquiry into the official conduct of Hamilton, as Secretary of the Treasury, was renewed at this session. Mr. Giles, Mr. Monroe, Mr. Venable, all Virginians, and all of them personal enemies of the Secretary, conducted the inquiry with the utmost scrutiny; but their efforts, even in these bitterest times of party, were unavailing. The result was

most honorable to the Secretary.

The great subjects suggested in the President's message, and in official reports, at the early part of the session, were under consideration in the two branches, from the beginning of January to the 16th of April. The French excitement could rise no higher among the people. They insisted that the friends of France should declare themselves by wearing

the national cockade. They insisted, too, on war against England; and that every motive of self-respect, and justice, forbade a moment's delay: while every motive of gratitude to the nation which had made us free, and were now struggling to maintain their own freedom, demanded all our aid. In the two branches of Congress the war of words disclosed a state of feeling, which the decorum of the place hardly restrained from full expression.

We live now in times of some interest; and which ought to be far more interesting than they are. No one, not old enough to remember the state of feeling at that time, can have any conception, from what is now experienced, of the intense excitement which then prevailed.

LETTER XV.

MARCH 9, 1833.

In this state of things, Congress, and the whole country, were brought to a sudden pause, by the appointment of John Jay, then Chief Justice of the United States, to be Envoy Extraordinary to Great Britain. This was an unexpected blow to the French party. As soon as they could rally, the administration was attacked, not only for the measure itself, that is, opening a negotiation at all, but especially, that the President should have nominated such a man as John Jay, and furthermore a judicial officer. It may be some relief in recurring to these dry and forgotten facts, to state what is recollected of the personal appearance and conduct of Mr. Jay.

Soon after Mr. Jay's appointment to the office of Chief Justice, he came to Boston to hold a court. As now remembered, his personal appearance indicated his origin. He was descended from one of the French Protestant families, usually called Huguenots. This name, which is of uncertain derivation, was, like Puritans, given to a certain class of Christians. It will be recollected that in 1698, when Henry IV. fought his way to the crown, he issued the edict of Nantz, by which he assured to all his Protestant subjects, the rights and privileges enjoyed by those who were

Catholics. In 1685, this edict was revoked by Louis XIV.; at the instigation, it is said, of one of his female favorites, who had great power over him.

The Huguenots escaped from France, and carried with them skill, talents, industry and property, and established themselves in different parts of Europe. Many families found their way to America in the course of time. France is supposed to have lost, by persecution and emigration, a million of its best subjects. Mr. Jay's family came over, and settled in New York. He was born in this country. He was fortyfour years of age when appointed Chief Justice in 1790. His height was a little less than six feet; his person rather thin, but well formed. His complexion was without color, his eyes black and penetrating, his nose aquiline, and his chin pointed. His hair came over his forehead, was tied behind, and lightly powdered. His dress black. The expression of his face was exceedingly amiable. When standing, he was a little inclined forward, as is not uncommon with students long accustomed to bend over a table. His manner was very gentle, and unassuming. This impression of him was renewed in 1795, in New York. He had returned from his mission to England in that year, and had been chosen Governor of New York, which office he assumed in July. He was then about fifty, (December, 1795.) His deportment was tranquil and unassuming; and one who had met him, not knowing who he was, would not have been led to suppose, that he was in the presence of one eminently gifted by nature with intellectual power, and who had sustained so many offices of high trust and honor. About six years after this time, he retired from public life, and almost from the world, and passed the remainder of his days at the family estate at West Chester. He took no part in political affairs, and was not publicly heard of, except in two or three instances, when he answered inquiries concerning facts within his knowledge.

History will assign to John Jay an elevated rank among the great; nor only so, it will place him equally high among the pure and the virtuous. Throughout his useful and honorable life, he was governed by the dictates of an enlightened Christian conscience. He thought and acted under the conviction, that there is an accountability far more serious than any which men can have to their fellow men.

The