teristic of the majority with respect | tive body, and its work must be estito the general class of measures as- mated in accordance with the standsociated in the public mind with the ards of conservatism. Progressive demand for social and industrial justice. The number of members willing to assume either a definitely reactionary attitude with Mr. Barnes or a definitely progressive at titude with Messrs. Wagner and A. E. Smith was strictly limited. The Revised Constitution.-As a conservative product, the revised constitution proposed by the New York Convention of 1915 must be accorded high rank. As Mr. Root proudly declared in his valedictory it was undoubtedly "a great departure in govThe Demands of Labor.-The attiernment.' Judged simply by what it tude of the majority of the Conven- accomplished the Convention marked tion towards so-called social-welfare a new era in the making of state conmeasures betrayed the temper of the stitutions. In general, too, the Condelegates towards most of the princi- vention rose above the plane of partipal measures in the Progressive plat-san politics. As Mr. Root justly obforms of recent years. The New York served, وو tion were adopted not only by the af- State Federation of Labor presented All the great measures of this convena memorial to the Convention requesting favorable consideration for a score and more of proposed amendments, including the initiative, referendum and recall; popular election of all judges; abolition of party emblems from official ballots; separation of judicial from other public elections; jury trial in all criminal cases, including certain cases of contempt of court; annual election of senators; separate election of delegates to future constitutional conventions; abolition of capital punishment; the eight-hour day for all public employees; social insurance; a declaration that no acts of unions, which would be legal if committed by individuals, should be deemed criminal conspiracies, and that labor should not be deemed a commodity; and the prohibition of the exercise of jurisdiction over a civilian by any military tribunal while the regularly constituted state courts are open to administer justice. All these and several other proposals of organized labor were denied, for the most part being But the New York Convention cankilled in committees. A few of the not be judged solely by what it acmeasures specially requested by the complished. It is also necessary to labor organizations were adopted, no- take into account what it failed to tably the proposals to extend the accomplish. The very unanimity of scope of the workmen's-compensation its proceedings, so far as its main law, and to empower the legislature proposals are concerned, betrays one to deal with the sweating system in defect of its work. In order to contenements. Other measures request- ciliate opposition, great concessions ed by labor were desired also by more were made. If the short ballot, budginfluential interests, such as the in- et, and home-rule proposals were not crease of salary for members of the in their final form objectionable to legislature, and were consequently many delegates, neither were they more easily obtained. In general the as attractive to many delegates as Convention was frankly a conserva- they might have been. The new de Twelve of the 33 proposed amendments were adopted unanimously, 12 were adopted by majorities of more than ten to one, and the remaining nine by majorities ranging from more than seven to one to more than two to one. Bibliography. The following reports and discussions give full information of the work and proceedings of the New York Constitutional Convention: parture in state government, which | tax-reform amendment and the apthe proposed constitution was de- portionment amendment, they did not signed to introduce, might have been dare to adopt the practice followed by much more pronounced, had fewer the Ohio convention of 1912, which concessions been made to those op- permitted the people to vote separateposed to any substantial reforms. ly on each proposed amendment. As Yet the concessions failed to remove Mr. Root candidly confessed in his the opposition. The blows dealt to valedictory, "any one of us... "invisible government," though not could have produced in the solitude heavy enough to arouse great enthu- of his own office a more perfect and siasm among the enemies of boss rule, harmonious scheme of government." were too heavy to permit the "old The work of the Convention was cerguard” to give the new constitution tainly less objectionable for the any whole-hearted support. The things that were done than for those Democrats were disaffected to no in- that were left undone. It was reconsiderable degree by the failure of jected by the electorate on Nov. 2 by the Convention to remove the discrim- a vote of 910,462 to 400,423. ination against the city of New York in the apportionment of senators. The progressives of all parties were dissatisfied with the small measure of support accorded to their favorite projects. Yet the reactionaries had been disappointed in their efforts to secure a literacy test for the exercise of the suffrage, and had suffered a signal defeat in the struggle for an amendment to prevent the future enactment of class legislation, as they considered it, of the social welfare type. Organized labor was alienated by the refusal of the Convention to declare in clear and unmistakable terms the supremacy of the civil courts over the military. Though the leaders of the Convention attempted to divide the opposition by providing for the separate submission of two proposals, felt to be particularly ob- Proceedings and Documents of the New jectionable in certain quarters, the Academy of Political Science, New York City. Proceedings: "The Revision of the State Constitution." (Pt. 1, Oct., 1914; pt. 2, Jan., 1915.) BEARD, C. A. "Reconstructing State Government." (New Republic, Aug. 21, 1915.) Bureau of Municipal Research, New York City. Government of the State of New York: a Survey of Its Organization and Functions. (Jan., 1915.) The Constitution and Government of the State of New York; an Appraisal. (May, 1915.) 1915.) Budget Systems. (June, 1915.) State Administration. (July, LINDSAY, S. McC.-"Constitution Making in New York." (Survey, July 31, Aug. 28, Sept. 11 and 25, 1915.) York Constitutional Convention 1915. (Albany, 1915.) of III. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS CHARLES EDWARD ASNIS INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN EUROPE THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE Hungary are in direct conflict, the antagonism having its origin in the Italy's Position in the Triple Alli- geographical and economic situation ance. The year 1915 marks the end which places Italy in a position of of the famous Triple Alliance con- great inferiority to her former ally, cluded more than 30 years ago. Un- both in the Adriatic and on their der the terms of the last renewal common frontier. In these circumtreaty of Dec. 5, 1912, the alliance was extended until July 8, 1920. Italy, however, denounced the treaty on May 3 and entered the European War against her former ally, Austria-Hungary. stances, it was clear that the relations between Italy and Austria-Hungary must be either that of allies or enemies. No intermediate relationship appeared possible. The great service of the Triple Alliance was in keeping these powers at arm's length, bound to keep the peace. The In The alliance between Italy and Austria-Hungary was an unnatural one, although derived from reasons dating Italy's Interest in the Adriatic.as far back as 1882. Historical rea- The configuration of the Adriatic is sons of a generation ago operated to such that the power in possession of draw Italy into the camp of the Cen- the east coast completely dominates tral Powers. Fear and jealousy of the sea. The Italian coast line is France, the desire to expand as a open country and affords no shelter Mediterranean power, the necessity or refuge for Italian property and for a long period of peace during commerce. Strategic bases for attack which the newly-formed Italian na- or defense are few and the Italian tion might develop its internal re- naval arm is at a serious disadvansources, and the desirability of hav- tage for service within the sea. ing the most powerful military na- east littoral of the Adriatic, on the tion in Europe, Germany, as an ally, other hand, is dotted with harbors all contributed to the conclusion of and islands which are preeminently the anomalous alliance. To Italy it adapted for defense or attack. was a mariage de convenance. In re- the possession of a hostile navy, the cent years, however, it became ap- entire Italian shore line would be parent that the alliance served as a rendered highly vulnerable. Ever since truce. The irritation with France the Italian nation came forth as a was removed, the tension with the power, her statesmen felt that naPapacy was relieved, the acquisition tional security rested on the correcof Tripolitania, following the failure tion of the decided superiority that in Abyssinia, more than satisfied the Austria enjoyed. They saw that the Mediterranean ambitions of Italian only means of correcting the balance, statesmen, and Italy as a result of a or better still, of inclining it in long period of peace, emerged as a Italy's favor, was to extend the fronstrong, unified power. The reasons tiers so as to include the east shore for the alliance with Austria-Hun- of the Adriatic. The activities of gary no longer controlled. On the Italy in Albania and her avowed incontrary, the causes of irritation and terest in Serbia during the year 1915 antagonism increased. Essentially are best understood in the light of the policies of Italy and Austria- her programme to reduce the Adri atic to an Italian lake. And her joint | promise. In Albania the rivals operveto with Austria-Hungary against ated jointly under a noli me tangere Serbia's occupation of an Adriatic port in 1913 (A. Y. B., 1913, p. 102) expressed her determination not to allow another power to encroach on the other shore of the Adriatic. agreement, the development of which was that Albania was roughly divided into northern and southern spheres of influence, respectively Austro-Hungarian and Italian. Italy's Attraction to the Entente Powers.-Signs were not wanting that in recent years Italy was a reluctant partner in the Triple Alliance. During the 30 years or more of her adherence, she had assiduously cultivated the friendship of Great Britain. Her statesmen found this policy advantageous because of the supremacy of British sea power in the Mediterranean. She leaned on Germany for Italy's Strategic Frontiers.-Italy is not only vulnerable on her Adriatic coast line, she is exposed to invasion on her northeastern frontier. The delimitation of the Italian-Austrian frontier is such that an Austrian wedge is ever cleaving into the very heart of northern Italy. The military situation in the Alps is exceedingly dangerous to Italian security. Italian advance is possible only at unusual sacrifice, whereas Austrian her military arm, she inclined to invasion can be accomplished under favorable circumstances. To correct this geographical disparity, Italian statesmen have always encouraged the movement generally known as Italia irredenta, the avowed object of which is to incorporate in the Italian monarchy territories in the Southern Tyrol and Trieste on the ground that they are largely inhabited by Italians. The movement has been exceedingly popular in Italy, and Italian Cabinets have always squared their policies with due regard to the popular demand; but while the ostensible purpose has been the reclamation of the so-cailed Italian territories, the real object is the correction of the unusually harsh frontier on the northeast. Great Britain for naval protection. Italy's Interest in the Balkans.- In Berlin Italy's frank manifes There is a third point of contact be- tations of friendship to the Entente tween the policies of the former al- group were interpreted as merely a lies. To stop further encroachment tour de valse indulged in by a faithby Austria-Hungary in the Balkans, ful ally. But Italy's allies were disand especially on Serbia, is a corol- illusioned at the Algeciras Conference, lary of Italy's policy in the Adriatic. where she openly sided with France Italy's interests demand that Austria- as against Germany. It then became Hungary acquire no further hinter- clear to the Central Powers that their land on the Adriatic. It is upon this ally was indulging in something more theory that Italy has vetoed the at- serious than a flirtation. The affectempts of Austria-Hungary to crush tions of the Latin partner had been Serbia. A strong Serbia would serve clearly alienated. In its exposé, the as a check to Austria-Hungary's prog- Austro-Hungarian Red Book takes ress along the hinterland of the Ad- note of Italy's "changeable attitude." riatic. At this point Russian and and the statement is plainly made Italian interests in Serbia converge. that fulfillment of treaty obligations Until the international crisis, Italy by such a party could not be counted was cautious in her attempts to stop upon. It may be, therefore, seriously Austria-Hungary's advance in the doubted whether Italy's coöperation Balkans. Her policy was that of com- was relied upon in Berlin and in Vi enna on the outbreak of the war, espe- | the high contracting parties, and the nation thus threatened should be forced cially after her refusal to support Austria's proposed aggression on Serbia in August, 1913 (A. Y. B., 1914, p. 97). The question was not one of coöperation, but one of neutrality. The Documents in the Case.-Following the practice of the other belligerents, Austria-Hungary and Italy published "color books" in which are set forth the diplomatic correspondence and negotiations immediately preceding the entry of Italy into the war. The Austro-Hungarian Red Book and the Italian Green Book have unusual historic value. They contain information which had been carefully guarded for years. Ever since the Triple Alliance was announced to the world, there had been much speculation as to the contents of the famous pact, the exact stipulations that bound in amity and alliance such unnatural partners as Austria-Hungary and Italy. When allies of 30 years become foes, the natural outcome is the publication of data hitherto kept secret. Denunciation of a treaty of alliance adhered to for a generation, immediately followed by a declaration of war, requires more than explanation; it makes imperative the opening of the archives. The Red Book and the Green Book reflect the bitterness and the rancor that must have obtained for years; they reveal the unnatural basis on which the Triple Alliance was founded. The climax in the correspondence is reached when Italy demands, as compensation for her neutrality, the cession of territories presently belonging to her ally, the transfer to be immediate and irrespective of the ultimate results of the war. The Articles of the Triple Alliance. -The Red Book is invaluable for the publication of three important articles of the Triple Alliance, as follows: thereby to declare war on that nation, the other two bind themselves to maintain a friendly neutrality toward their part in the war whenever it should Each reserves the right to take ally. deem it advisable to make common cause with its ally. Article VII. Austria-Hungary and nance, in so far as it is in any way posItaly, who have in view only the maintesible, of the territorial status quo in the Orient, bind themselves to use their inwhich might be disadvantageous to one fluence against any territorial change or another of the powers signing this agreement. For this purpose they will aims as well as those of other powers. give each other explanations of their If, however, the maintenance of the status quo in the Balkans or on the Ottoman coast and islands in the Adriatic and Egean Seas should become impossible, and, either on account of action by a third power or in any other manner, Austria-Hungary or Italy should be obliged to change the status quo by temporary or permanent occupation on their part, then such occupation is to take place only after a previous agreement between the two powers, which is to be based on the principle of mutual compensation for all territorial or other advantages derived from either beyond be satisfactory to the interests and justhe present status quo, and which is to tified claims of both parties. The controversy between the allies revolved around the interpretation of Article VII, particularly as to the phrases "status quo in the Balkans," "previous agreement," and "mutual compensation for all territorial or other advantages derived." Cabinet Changes in Rome and Vienna.-The correspondence can be best understood in the light of the changes that took place in the Cabinets at Rome and Vienna during the course of the negotiations. In Italy Baron Sonnino became Minister of Foreign Affairs on the death of Marquis di San Giuliano, and in the Dual Monarchy Baron Burian succeeded Count Berchtold. These changes are reflected in the negotiations and have governed not only the contents but the policy of the "color books." The Austro-HunArticle III. In case one or two of the garian Red Book is confined in the high contracting parties, without direct main to negotiations before the inprovocation on their part, should be attacked by two or more great powers who cumbency of Sonnino, while the Italhave not signed this agreement, and ian Green Book begins abruptly with should become involved in a war with a demand for compensation made by them, the casus fœderis would at once arise for all the high contracting Sonnino on Dec. 9, 1914, entirely ignoring the negotiations begun by San Giuliano and the important period from August to December. The change parties. Article IV. In case a great power not a signatory of this agreement should threaten the national security of one of |