1914, appropriating about half a million dollars for immediate use by the Department of Agriculture and the colleges of the several states. However, the Act contemplates a gradual increase until the annual appropriation amounts to several million dollars.

The mineral resources of Alaska were locked up in the Arctic Circle and were available only to corporations of great wealth. But in order that they might be employed by the nation as a whole, Congress authorized the PresiIdent to begin the construction of a thousand miles of trunk-line railway to connect the ports on the Pacific with the coal fields of the interior, and thus make available for national use the almost unlimited coal of Alaska. Other measures of conservation were begun, such as the protection of forests and waterpower and mineral deposits. Moreover, movements looking to the conservation of health and the encouragement of good roads and rural credits were begun. Then the European War appeared.

Just at this time the American people were passing out of an old era into a new national life made possible by this Constitution of Peace. What the future would be was predicted with an assurance that brought hope to the souls of men who had suffered because of injustices in the nation. But as the transfer was about to be made, the European war closed up the past and gave a new era not only to America, but to the entire civilized

world. Therefore, what the future will be even to America no man can prophesy with certainty.

The great issues, therefore, in the second half of the Wilson Administration instead of pertaining largely to matters of strictly domestic concern, such as conservation of public health and national resources, relate to the European war and we have neutrality, American rights on the high seas, preparedness, merchant marine, and commercial and educational preparedness as the paramount issues.

Before approaching these new issues, however, it is necessary to take a survey of President Wilson's foreign policy during this period when the Constitution of Peace was being wrought out.

CHAPTER VIII

A NEW FOREIGN POLICY

On March 4, 1913, when Woodrow Wilson took the oath of office as President of the United States, two grave responsibilities were laid upon his administration: (1) To set up the rule of right and justice in this nation; and (2) to maintain a just relation to all foreign nations.

In the previous chapters we have seen how heroically he undertook the first task and with what success he inaugurated a set of reforms that were to affect the whole country. The second task, however, was not so simple, and the reason is obvious. In the first place, the President of the United States, in dealing with foreign nations, must be guided by what foreigners and strangers to our ideals may do; and in the second place, international problems are not solved, as a rule, with that same regard for absolute right and justice as are domestic problems. Moreover, in dealing with intranational questions, the responsibility for the solution may be placed in a large measure upon Congress and the people. But in dealing with international questions, the responsibility for solution is placed almost entirely upon the President of the United States.

Perhaps the greatest difficulty to overcome in handling all international questions, is in securing a just rule of conduct that will be acceptable to the people who have little voice in establishing the rule and whose notions of how foreign affairs should be conducted are usually exceedingly selfish.

National ideals with reference solely to domestic policies may be one thing; but with reference to foreign affairs, quite another thing. It is often the case, if not the rule, that the two are as different as right and wrong. The functions of government operating intrastate may be guided by the eternal principles of right and justice as expressed in the Golden Rule; but operating internationally, may be controlled by a selfishness and a greed that would be considered both immoral and even criminal, if the acts were those of a private citizen. Admiral Decatur's familiar toast-"Our Country! In her intercourse with Foreign Nations, may she always be in the right; but our Country, right or wrong" is a fine expression of patriotism and a guarantee of national solidarity. However, the sentiment is merely a refinement of that primitive tribal religion which nationalized the deity, made polytheism a necessity and limited the rule of right and justice to tribal or national boundaries; hence the sword as the final arbitrament of international disputes.

Nations have made more progress in placing the rule of right above the power of might in domestic or national

affairs than in international affairs. Therefore, the greatest problem of the statesman is to make international questions square by the same ethical standards that national questions are measured by. But as long as the difference between the two ideals is so great, civilization will be retarded by international jealousies and destructive wars.

When President Wilson was inaugurated he was at once confronted with certain very perplexing foreign problems: (1) A revolution in Mexico; (2) The relation of this government to Latin American Republics; and (3) The attitude of the European nations toward America because of the Panama tolls act which exempted American coast-wise vessels from the payment of tolls in passing through the Panama Canal.

The New Executive was an untried man, only a political philosopher, and not only the people of America but of the whole civilized world were asking themselves this question: How will the new President approach the solution of these problems?

The American people were demanding in one breath that the President hold the balances even when weighing matters of strictly domestic concern. But when considering international questions, the vocal part of the American public seemed to be ready to heap reproach upon the administration if the balances failed to dip low on the American side, and such is the traditional attitude of the human race to international disputes. No executive