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had been able to establish a precedent the justice of which was convincing to all nations without drawing upon himself the censure and even ridicule of a large part of his own people. Therefore, nations have too often resorted to might rather than right in the settlement of international disputes. It is the easier mode, though not a remedy.

President Wilson, however, announced very emphatically at the beginning of his administration that it would be his policy to set up the rule of right and justice in all international questions. This was a departure. A new precedent was about to be established. Was this nation entering a new era in diplomacy? Men were wondering.

CHAPTER IX

THE PRESIDENT BROADENS THE MEANING OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE

The revolution in Mexico was the most perplexing international problem that confronted the new administration. However, it had to be solved not with reference solely to Mexico and to the United States, but with reference to all the other Latin American Republics. Therefore, it became necessary to establish first a new Pan American policy, or, in other words, to give the American people a broader meaning of the Monroe Doctrine.

A few days after his inauguration, President Wilson outlined the policies that should guide him in all of his relations with the Latin American states, including Mexico. Each state was assured that "one of the chief objects of my administration will be to cultivate the friendship of all the Latin American states," and he declared, "I earnestly desire the most cordial understanding and cooperation between the people and the leaders of America." He then made this brief statement not only for North Americans, but for Central and South Americans to read and ponder over:

"Cooperation is possible only when supported at every turn by the orderly processes of just government, based upon law and not upon arbitrary or irregular force. We hold, as I am sure all thoughtful leaders of republican government elsewhere hold, that just government rests always upon the consent of the governed, and that there can be no freedom without order, based upon law and upon public conscience and approval. We shall look to make these principles the basis of mutual intercourse, respect, and helpfulness between our sister republics and ourselves.

"We shall lend our influence of every kind to the realization of these principles in fact and practice, knowing that disorder, personal intrigue and the denial of constitutional rights weaken and discredit government and injure none so much as the people who are unfortunate enough to have their common life and their common affairs so tainted and disturbed.

"We can have no sympathy with those who seek to seize the power of government to advance their own personal interests or ambitions. We are the friends of peace, but we know that there can be no lasting or stable peace in such circumstances. As friends, therefore, we shall prefer those who act in

the interests of peace and honor, who protect private rights and respect the restraints of constitutional provisions. Mutual respect seems to us the indispensable foundation of friendship between states as between individuals.

"The United States has nothing to seek in Central and South America except the lasting interests of the peoples of the two continents, the security of governments, intended for the people, and for no special groups of interests; and the development of personal and trade relationships between the two continents, which shall redound to the advantage and profit of both and interfere in the liberties of neither.

"From these principles may be read so much of the future policy of this government as it is necessary now to forecast; and in the spirit of these principles, I may, I hope, be permitted with as much confidence as earnestness to extend to the governments of all the republics of America the hand of genuine disinterested friendship and to pledge my own honor and the honor of my colleagues to every enterprise of peace and amity that a fortunate future may disclose."

This declaration of a general principle was very favorably received in this country. In fact, few, if any, of

our public men have been so fortunate in their power to generalize and state convincingly a general truth, as President Wilson. Therefore, the press, in the main, applauded his utterance, but predicted that the Administration would find serious difficulty in making the practical application. There seemed to be a general impression that many, if not most, of the Latin American Republics would be incapable of understanding the President's meaning; and, it was feared that few of them would pay any attention to his words.

In working out his domestic policies, President Wilson could state the general principles and leave the working out of the details to Congress. But the details of his foreign policy had to be worked out by him and his cabinet and such advice as he could draw from members of Congress. The burden of the work was thrown on the President and not on Congress. And the nation had to wait and watch for results. In the meantime the revolution continued in Mexico; stories of inhuman atrocities found their way across the border; and fear of European complications seized the minds of many nervous Americans.

The press was doubtless in error as to the incapacity of the Latin Americans to understand President Wilson's langauge. However, their fears that few of them would pay any attention to his words, were by no means without foundation. But the explanation is found rather in the historical policy of this nation than in a total

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