vate interests," foreign or domestic, may capitalize this great republic enterprise (the Panama Canal) for its own special profit."

However, the act of Congress was so unprecedented that criticism continued, until Mr. Wilson, a few days afterward, spoke these words:

"It is patriotic sometimes to regard the honor of this country in preference to its material interests. Would you rather be despised by all the nations of the world as incapable of keeping your treaty obligations or would you rather have free tolls for American ships?

"The treaty has been made a mistake, but its meaning is unmistakable. But when I have made a promise I try to keep it. The most honorable and distinguished nation in the world is the nation that can keep its promises to its own hurt.

"I want to say, parenthetically, that I do not think anybody was hurt. I am not enthusiastic for subsidies to a monopoly and nobody can get me enthusiastic on that subject. But, assuming that it was a matter of enthusiasm, I am much more enthusiastic for keeping the integrity of the United States absolutely unquestioned and unsullied."

The President put his house in order none too soon. He had labored with success to destroy private monopoly at home and set up again the rule of right and justice in the nation. He had convinced the South American nations that the same rule would apply to all his dealings with the republics of this hemisphere. Finally, he had proved to the world that this, the greatest republic on earth, could give to mankind "the magnanimous and too novel experience" of a people guided "by an exalted justice and benevolence."

With these achievements the Old Era came to a close. The European war drew a heavy veil between the past and the future as the New Era appeared, and President Wilson faced the future with a power and a prestige that made him one of the commanding personalities of the world.

PART II

CHAPTER XIII

THE EUROPEAN WAR AND A NEW ERA

On July 4, 1914, President Wilson laid aside executive duties and on this, the nation's birthday, he stood in Independence Hall to interpret the spirit of America. In concluding his address, he said:

"To what other nation in the world can all eyes look for an instant sympathy that thrills the whole body politic when men anywhere are fighting for their rights? I do not know that there will ever be a declaration of independence and of grievances for mankind, but I believe that if any such document is ever drawn it will be drawn in the spirit of the American Declaration of Independence, and that America has lifted high the light which will shine unto all generations and guide the feet of mankind to the goal of justice and liberty and peace."

At that time the world, save Mexico, was at peace. Men everywhere were admitting that the causes of war

had declined, and many men of international fame were declaring that there would never be another great war. The President, therefore, had no thought of war when these words were uttered. He was only too conscious of the great struggle for human rights that had been carried on in this nation for sixteen months, when he labored earnestly to complete the program of "New Freedom" and restore the rule of right and justice in this nation.

Moreover, his foreign policy was being conducted with the single aim of convincing all nations that America's flag "is the flag not only of America but of humanity." The Panama Tolls Act had just been repealed, and the nations of the world were applauding the act. The A. B. C. Mediators were just closing their conference at Niagara Falls and the Latin-American states were rejoicing over the magnanimous conduct of the United States. The American army was still at Vera Cruz, but the President of the United States was waiting only for Huerta to resign the presidency of Mexico and for the restoration of constitutional government in that war distressed country.

At no time in the history of this country had this nation stood so well among the nations of the earth as on this birthday and never had it lifted so high "the light which will shine unto all generations and guide the feet of mankind to the goal of justice and liberty and peace."

Then suddenly, July 28, 1914, Austria declared war

on Servia and the great European war broke upon the world. Within less than thirty days after the celebration referred to above everything was changed. Almost in the twinkling of an eye, nations were transformed, old standards of right and wrong were swept away, governmental policies became obsolete, and a new era had begun.

The shock of war was so great and the human mind was wrenched so violently away from the past that the first eighteen months of President Wilson's administration seem more like Ancient History than the proceedings of three years ago. Who remembers now the summer of 1913 when he routed the lobbyists and was hailed the leader of the Democratic Party? Who recalls the terror that struck the business men when the currency laws were debated and captains of finance were summoned to Washington to give assistance to long needed reforms? Who is mindful of the panicky condition of the country eighteen months ago when it was announced that the long struggle between government and monopoly had at last begun? It all reads like chapters recovered from a forgotten past. And yet the legislation of that period was the most far-reaching of any since the days of Andrew Jackson.

But what did a great war, three thousand miles away, have to do with America? How did it make statesmen forget old issues? How did it turn political currents into new channels and make new issues that were unthought of before the war?