much for the non-combatants. The great aggressor in the war was forced by peaceful means to recognize an ethical law that reigns above the mad brutality of reckless belligerents. To be sure it took time. The reforms of peace come more slowly than changes through revolution. But they are more permanent.

England soon followed Germany in bowing to international law. This nation had made one protest after another against England's violation of neutral rights in the seas. Our mails were seized, business was interfered with, vessels were confiscated, and American citizens were detained.

England was next to omnipotent on the seas. But the President challenged the British blockade as fearlessly and as skilfully as he did Germany's submarine warfare. The British Government, however, was relying upon the Declaration of London and British Orders in Council which was never signed and which bound nobody. But this Administration held that international law, not British Orders in Council, should be the final authority.

Soon after Germany agreed to abandon her submarine warfare against neutrals and non-combatants, the English prize courts decided that British Orders in Council "in derogation of neutral rights were invalid unless conformable with international law," and the English Government declared that Orders in Council henceforth will be made to conform to the law which they had assumed

to ignore, and that all Orders in Council would be reconsidered, and new orders would be issued in conformity with international law.

England's regard for this higher law, this law of nations, was expressed just before Germany inaugurated her new submarine policy. Admiral Beresford was advocating that all goods entering Germany should be considered contraband, and he remarked that if this step had been taken at the beginning of the conflict, war would now be over. Sir Edward Grey is reported to have replied with the following very significant remark, "If we had gone as far as that, the war might possibly have been over by now, but it would have been over because the whole world would have been against us, and we and our allies, too, would have collapsed under the general resentment of the whole world."

The viewpoints of the Allies and the Central Powers were alike to this extent, it was necessary to embarrass the enemy as much as possible and both violated established principles of international law. While England seized neutral vessels she appropriated only that which could be restored after the war. Germany went a step further and sacrificed the lives of innocent men, women, and children. These could not be restored after the war. Hence, the greater case was against Germany.

It was the diplomacy of President Wilson that ended the murder of innocent non-combatants and restored the rights of neutrals to the high seas. And the greatest

praise is merited because it was accomplished when half of the world was mad, without plunging this nation into war. "America has lifted high the light which will shine unto all generations and guide the feet of mankind to the goal of justice and liberty and peace."

CHAPTER XVI

MILITARY PREPAREDNESS BECOMES A

NATIONAL PROBLEM

So many new adjustments had to be made at the beginning of the war that every home was touched and every heart was troubled. Moreover, there was a panicky feeling that, somehow, the United States might be drawn into the maelstrom. The people of this country were for peace. They had been taught for a generation that they had seen the last of war, and when the great conflict came the American public schools were teaching the children that war was sin. Therefore, even the very thought of war was exceedingly disconcerting.

President Wilson's determination to keep this country neutral and to nourish and cherish America first had a good effect, and the people sincerely hoped that his prophecies were true and that the war "would not affect the United States unfavorably in the long run." However, there was a militaristic party of considerable size and influence in the nation, and its members took a different view of the matter. They argued that America's safety and the rights of neutrals everywhere were jeopardized and they began to clamor loudly for mili

tary preparedness. But Mr. Wilson's reply to them was, "There is no reason to fear that from any quarter our independence or the integrity of our territory is

threatened."

Within a short time after the beginning of the war two very distinct parties appeared in America: (1) those who desired peace at any price save the loss of honor, and they believed that it could be secured with the right leadership; (2) those who believed that our relations with Europe were such that we were certain to be involved in the war. Therefore, this nation should arise and arm to the teeth.

The President believed with the first party that peace could be maintained with honor; but since he was the leader, he felt that the final test would depend upon the American people themselves. Hence, "America First" as the watchword of the hour, and he exhorted the people not to add in any way to the excitement in the world.

The adherents to the other party, however, were not so easily convinced. They saw with growing alarm the new modes of warfare employed in the European conflict. They saw that old methods were becoming obsolete, and that new engines and new machinery were revolutionizing warfare. They then began to make hurried investigations into the nature of our defenses, and reported that our army was small; our navy weak, and our coast defenses, inadequate; and they proclaimed the news and