Monopoly must be destroyed! This was the slogan during the campaign; it was the subject of Mr. Wilson's utterances between his election and his inauguration; and it was the heart of his inaugural address. But this dangerous dragon was too powerful and too deadly to be slain by the arm of a single knight, even though he were clothed with the strength of Sir Galahad. Mr. Wilson had intimated that he would assemble Congress for the purpose of beginning his reforms. And men wondered.

The Democratic party had apparently lost the habit of cooperating as a unit. Moreover, it was argued that the Democratic party, although it had been protesting for a generation against abuses in the government, was, like the Republican party, so boss-ridden that no man could lead it as a unit against the wrongs that cried aloud for redress. Furthermore, it was believed that when a party long out of power comes into control of the government, it is possessed of an enthusiasm and a loyalty that gives it a certain degree of unity, and makes it for the moment amenable to wise leadership. But with continued power, more and more factionalism would appear and refractory spirits would obstruct the administration's policies. Then the old-time machine politicians would step into the breach and governmental processes would continue very much as in the past. And a degree of pessimism appeared in the hearts of honest men who were hopeful the day after the elec

tion that the new administration would "effect a great readjustment and get the forces of the whole people once more into play."

The destiny of this nation was completely in the hands of the Democratic party. This new guardian, having been out of power for so many years, and now being flushed with victory, was eager to take charge and begin the journey. On this point the Executive and the Legislative departments were in complete harmony. The President's vision for "new freedom" for all Americans was clearly the vision of the party in control of Congress. Therefore, their purposes were identical. Such were the prospects on April 8, when the New Congress, in response to the President's call, met in special session.

CHAPTER IV

A NEW TARIFF: THE FIRST STAGE IN THE JOURNEY TO NEW FREEDOM

President Wilson had been a close student of politics and of history in-the-making, for more than a quarter of a century. He was plainly aware of the fact that his greatest influence would, in all probability, be in the beginning of his administration. Therefore, it was no surprise to the nation when he called Congress to meet in special session so soon after his inauguration. Simultaneously, he announced that he would not be pestered with office seekers; that no office seeker need call on him except upon invitation, because he would devote his best thought and energies to the larger questions and those most vital to the country; and the nation applauded this act as a promise of greater efficiency.

The new life in the government was so vigorous that the thoughtful men of the country began to advise Big Business to adjust itself as soon as possible to a new tariff law, since it was evident that the Administration meant to act promptly, and it seemed to be morally certain that a new tariff law would be enacted.

shall search us through and through, whether we be able to understand our time and the need of our people, whether we be indeed their spokesmen and interpreters, whether we have the pure heart to comprehend and the rectified will to choose our high course of action.

"This is not a day of triumph; it is a day of dedication. Here muster not the forces of party, but the forces of humanity. Men's hearts wait upon us; men's lives hang in the balance; men's hopes call upon us to say what we will do. Who shall live up to the great trust? Who dares fail to try? I summon all honest men, all patriotic, all forward-looking men, to my side. God helping me, I will not fail them, if they will but counsel and sustain me!"

And this was his answer! He bowed to the great out-of-doors and left the rostrum. The anxious sea of humanity that had stood for a short time with upturned faces and with ears eager to catch his words, now flowed toward Pennsylvania Avenue to see the newly created President of the United States move in state from the Capitol to the White House, and the next morning the world was commenting on his address.

The American people seemed to appreciate the new note of freedom that was sounded, and it was the sense

of the great body of the nation that if the President and his cabinet could but live and work in the spirit of that address, "squaring their conduct to its principles of unswerving justice and unselfish duty, we shall have indeed a great administration." There was little pessimism in the nation on March 5. Even a large number of Mr. Wilson's opponents, it was declared, "are now hopeful that he will succeed" and "the public conscience is ready to support any sound remedies for existing evils."

The days of protest and warning were now over. The policy of the new administration was frankly laid bare in the Inaugural Address, and the important legislation needed to set the energies of the nation free were stated in a few words; and he could confidently hope that the nation would not turn a deaf ear to his moving and solemn note of appeal.

The circumstances that placed him at the head of the nation were unusual. He had received only about 6,000,000 votes, while more than 8,000,000 had been cast for the other candidates. Lincoln was similarly elected in 1861. But the Civil War united enough Republicans and Democrats to make him secure in his power. "No such civic convulsion will come to Wilson's aid," it was argued. "Only by following lines of peaceful and domestic policy can he hope to consolidate his political strength," and make himself the real leader of the nation. He was already recognized as a great writer