1848

IMPROVEMENT OF THEIR CONDITION.

47

ment, however, had, and it was only after considerable discussion that these scruples were overcome.1

Accordingly, the Prince took the chair at a public meeting on the 18th of May, and made it the occasion for the speech, which first fairly showed to the country what he was. Only now are we beginning to carry out effectively the principles which were there indicated, and the whole speech may still be referred to with advantage by all who take an interest in this not the least important of social questions. Its leading idea was, that although the Society, or individuals acting in its spirit, might establish examples and models in the way of model lodging-houses, loan funds, and land allotments, to show what, and how, practicable improvements might be effected, yet that any real improvement must be the result of the exertion of the working people themselves.' The want of what is needful to increase their comfort, to protect their health, to raise themselves in the social scale, must not only be felt, but it must beget the resolution to remove it by the culture, the self-denial, and the energy, which are at the bottom of the success of those in the scale above them, whose prosperity they too often envy, without striving to attain At the same time, it was the duty of the rich,

When the objection was first raised to the Prince's appearing at this meeting, he wrote to Lord Ashley (23rd April): 'I sincerely regret it, because it will be difficult to find another becoming opportunity for expressing the sincere interest which the Queen and myself feel for the welfare and comfort of the working classes.' To Lord John Russell he wrote (29th April): The book which you sent me certainly shows great disposition on the part of some mischievous folks to attack the Royal family; but this rather furnishes me with one reason more for attending the meeting, and showing to those who are thus to be misguided, that the Royal family are not merely living upon the earnings of the people (as these publications try to represent) without caring for the poor labourers, but that they are anxious about their welfare, and ready to co-operate in any scheme for the amelioration of their condition. We may possess these feelings, and yet the mass of the people may be ignorant of it, because they have never heard it expressed to them, or seen any tangible proof of it.'

48

SPEECH BY PRINCE

1848 'those who had capital to invest,' to concur in helping those who helped themselves. The latter would reap their reward in their improved domestic comforts, while the capitalists, who helped to raise dwellings of the right kind for the labouring classes, would find that they did so with profit and advantage to themselves, at the same time that they are dispensing those domestic comforts to their poorer brethren.'

These ideas, now worn into merest commonplaces, came at that time with all the force of novelty upon the ears of a public always slow to enter upon works of social improvement, until forced into them by the pressure of personal discomfort or of social danger. They had the best effect upon the working classes themselves, who, from that time, felt that they had no truer friend than the Prince. Other passages of the Prince's speech, upon this occasion, were no less striking; none more so than those in which he enforces the truth, the neglect of which is fraught with so much peril to the ultimate interests of the working classes themselves, that disaster must ensue on any attempt to foment an antagonism between labour and capital, or any arbitrary interference between employer and employed :

'Depend upon it,' said the Prince the interests of classes too often contrasted are identical, and it is only ignorance which prevents their uniting for each other's advantage, To dispel that ignorance, to show how man can help man, notwithstanding the complicated state of civilised society, ought to be the aim of every philanthropic person; but it is more peculiarly the duty of those who, under the blessing of Divine Providence, enjoy station, wealth, and education.

'Let them be careful, however, to avoid any dictatorial interference with labour and employment, which frightens away capital, destroys that freedom of thought and independence of action which must remain to every one if he is to work out his own happiness, and impairs that confidence under which alone engagements for mutual benefit are possible.

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ITS EFFECT ON PUBLIC.

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God has created man imperfect, and left him with many wants, as it were to stimulate each to individual exertion, and to make all feel that it is only by united exertions and combined action that these imperfections can be supplied, and these wants satisfied. This presupposes self-reliance and confidence in each other. To show the way how these individual exertions can be directed with the greatest benefit, and to foster that confidence upon which the readiness to assist each other depends, this Society deems its most sacred duty.'

These were golden words, and peculiarly well-timed. With what satisfaction they were hailed throughout the country, a letter four days afterwards from the Queen to Baron Stockmar does not exaggerate in saying: 'Meyer (the Prince's librarian) will tell you that the Prince made a speech on Thursday which has met with more general admiration, from all classes and parties, than any speech I remember.'

Writing himself, the same day, to his mental foster-father at Coburg, the Prince says:

We are quite well, and Monarchy never stood higher in England than it does at this moment.

'Last Thursday I presided at the great meeting of the Society for improving the Condition of the Labouring Classes. I enclose my speech, which has been a great success.'

CHAPTER XXVI.

THE state of affairs in Germany at this time naturally engaged much of the Prince's attention. He had looked to the King of Prussia, as we have seen from the remarkable Memorandum (ante, vol. i. pp. 439-446) which he had submitted to the King in September, 1847, to take the lead in a comprehensive measure of reform, which would satisfy the craving for the twofold objects of representative institutions, and of national unity, which the Prince foresaw was rapidly becoming irrepressible. He had then said, that if Prussia declined to undertake the guidance of a moderate and systematic German development, the vital forces of the nation, driven onwards by the pressure of the times, will find some irregular vent for themselves, and produce convulsions of all sorts, the final issue of which no power can foresee.' The warning, not the only one addressed by the Prince to his royal correspondent at Berlin, had not been taken, and the crash had come.

The King of Prussia had so long walked in the leadingstrings of Metternich, and was so deeply imbued with the spirit of Absolutism, that his sympathies with the Constitutional movement were apt to evaporate in sentimental eloquence. After the fall of Cracow he had entered into a fresh compact with Russia and with Austria, to make common cause against the agitation for reform by which Europe had been for some time so deeply stirred. The Prince had

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done his best to inspire him with more liberal views, and to show him that the true interests of Germany were identified with those of England, as the great Protestant constitutional monarchy in Europe. He had also urged upon him, that the days were gone by when Sovereigns could make alliances, without taking into account the feelings of their people; and that any attempt to support Austria in the crusade, which Metternich in 1847 had menaced against the Liberal movement beyond the Austrian territories in Italy, would probably lead to a protracted European war. The following letter from Baron Stockmar to the Prince (11th March, 1848) shows how truly the Prince had prognosticated the probable course of events :

In a letter which I have received from Silesia, dated the 2nd March, this passage occurs :-"Shall we strike for Austria, in order to preserve Italy for her? Every one answers this question in the negative, and says, Let Austria help herself as she can, and let her lose Lombardy if she must. This state of feeling is the fruit of the policy which Austria has for years pursued and practised in Germany.. We have no sympathy for Austria and still less for Russia. Towards the former we are indifferent, to the latter we have a decided dislike. In addition to this, we believe that the alliance of Prussia with Austria and Russia will only help to accelerate a general war. Will France, will England stand patiently by, if Prussia and Russia join in upholding the Austrian system in Italy? The Provisional Government in Paris has already declared that France will not do so. Just because of the danger of a general war, people in Silesia are desirous of another line of policy for Prussia, one independent alike of Vienna and St. Petersburg-in a word, a common understanding and alliance with England. Would not Prussia, Germany, and England be strong enough to com