CHAPTER II

MEXICO

MEANTIME the controversy with Mexico, which Mr. Wilson had inherited from the previous administration, became acute. It is not necessary here to trace in detail the events connected with that period. It is sufficient to say that President Wilson declined to recognize General Huerta because Huerta had not, in his opinion, been constitutionally elected. This policy disregarded, of course, the accepted international practice of not interfering with the internal affairs of another nation, and if generally applied in South America would have had disastrous results. I was not, however, disposed at that time to urge the recognition of Huerta, whose methods did not differ essentially from those employed by the men who had taken possession at different times of the Mexican government; but there was a fair question as to the wisdom of recognizing him as President at that moment. Out of this situation grew the affair at Tampico, which finally resolved itself into a demand on our part that our flag be saluted, everything else that we had demanded being, as I remember, practically conceded. Mr. Wilson, however, decided that we must insist on the salute to the flag, with which I sympathized, and this being refused he sent an expedition to Vera Cruz designed to take possession of the city. He had been grossly misinformed as to the situation by his agents in Mexico, and he had a fixed idea that the people would welcome us at Vera Cruz and that we should take possession of the city without opposition. I made some memoranda at the time as to consultations with the

President in regard to invoking the support of Congress; these I quote verbatim as they have the value always possessed by contemporary evidence:

"Friday, April 17, 1914.

"This morning at 9 o'clock to the White House (not office) at request of the President. Present, Shively [Senator Shively of Indiana, acting in the absence of Senator Stone-Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee] and I, Flood and Cooper of House. He told us crisis was approaching over Tampico incident and he might be obliged to use Navy and Army. Said he wished to know whether we thought that he should call on Congress for authority. I said that he had the power undoubtedly to act or take possession of a port for protection of American lives and property without action by Congress. Had often been done when Congress not in session (Boxer rebellion) and therefore could be done even if Congress in session; but as Congress was in session I thought it would be better to ask Congress for authorizing resolution. Others agreed. The President said that was his view. He talked a little of possibilities; mentioned, as he did in January, committee going to city."

"Monday, April 20th.

"Called to White House (executive office) from Capitol at 2 o'clock P.M. Shively, H. C. L., Flood and Cooper of House. President was to deliver his message at 3. He said he wished to read his message and take our opinion upon it. As it was already in print for the press it could not be changed. But he read it. It seemed to me weak and insufficient, although of course well expressed. He then produced the resolution which he wished passed. It was the same as that which afterwards passed the House and authorized hostilities against Huerta by name.

This seemed to me most unsatisfactory, in reality a declaration of war against an individual. I said that I thought we ought to speak of protection to the lives and property of American citizens as the true and international ground. Pres. said that would widen too much and lead to war. I thought it war in any event. He said that he wanted immediate action because he wished to intercept a cargo of arms for Huerta due that evening at Vera Cruz on German ship. I suggested that he could not stop the ship without a war blockade. He said that his plan was to take Vera Cruz and seize the cargo after it was landed. I pointed out that he would then be cutting off arms from Huerta and letting them go to Villa, which would be in the nature of an alliance. He said this was due to circumstances and could not be helped. He then gave to each of us a copy of the resolution which he wished to have passed.

"At 3 P.M. he read his message to the Houses.

"The House at once took up the resolution and while they were at work our committee on For. Relations met. Objection to the President's resolution naming Huerta was unanimous. Then everyone tried his hand at resolutions. Finally there was general and informal agreement to a resolution drafted by me with a preamble setting forth broad international grounds drawn by Root. When we reassembled after the recess I perceived at once that the Democrats had seen the President. Swanson offered as a substitute for the House resolution my resolution exactly as drawn, except for the insertion of the word "certain" before the word "affronts," and had omitted the preamble. It was something to get rid of Huerta's name in the resolution but without the preamble we were left to go to war in silence as to the real and only truly justifying international grounds. The committee reported my resolution as thus amended and we made our fight in the Senate.

"I there offered my resolution with the Root preamble as a substitute, but it was beaten by a straight party vote. That resolution was as follows:

"Resolved, etc. That the state of unrestricted violence and anarchy which exists in Mexico, the numerous unchecked and unpunished murders of American citizens and the spoliation of their property in that country, the impossibility of securing protection or redress by diplomatic methods in the absence of lawful or effective authority, the inability of Mexico to discharge its international obligations, the unprovoked insults and indignities inflicted upon the flag and the uniform of the United States by the armed bands in occupation of large parts of the Mexican territory have become intolerable;

"That the self-respect and dignity of the United States and the duty to protect its citizens and its international rights require that such a course be followed in Mexico by our Government as to compel respect and observance of its rights.

"That to this end the President is justified in the employment of the armed forces of the United States to enforce his demand for unequivocal amends for affronts and indignities committed against the United States; that the United States disclaims any hostility to the Mexican people or any purpose to make war upon them."

As I set down this official record it seems almost incredible that the President of the United States should have seriously proposed to have the Congress and the government of which he was the head substantially declare and practically make war against an individual, a single man whom he wished to name in the resolution. At the moment I did not grasp its full significance or realize the light which it threw upon Mr. Wilson himself. I, however, saw even then what I afterwards came clearly to perceive, that the reason for the extraordinary proposition to make General Huerta the subject of the resolution authorizing the President to seize a Mexican

city was that the salute to the flag, which was never given, was a mere excuse. General Huerta had declined to obey Mr. Wilson, he had made himself a stumbling block in Mr. Wilson's path and he had interfered with Mr. Wilson's plans, which was an unforgivable offense. The purpose of the seizure of Vera Cruz was to punish the recalcitrant Mexican, and Mr. Wilson wished to tell the truth and make the United States punish the offender, the man who had dared to thwart him personally. His egotism, so little comprehended then, was so vast that he did not hesitate to say to the world that Huerta's resistance to him must be punished. He succeeded in ultimately overthrowing Huerta, but the Senate declined to allow the United States to declare war upon an individual and thus prevented the President from advertising his own purpose and making a public display of the penalty which he intended to exact from a man who had dared to refuse compliance with his wishes.

In the course of the debate I said:*

"Let us be under no misapprehension as to where this resolution, either in the form passed by the House or in that reported by the Committee on Foreign Relations, leads. It leads to armed intervention. The first step that will be taken under it will be the seizure of Vera Cruz. Does anyone suppose for one moment that we can seize Vera Cruz without some show of resistance on the part of those who now hold it? It is inconceivable. The day we take Vera Cruz we have intervened; you cannot narrow that fact; we have intervened, and if we are to stand by the President, as everyone intends so to stand, in seeking atonement for the insult to the flag, we say that intervention should rest on grounds so broad that the civilized world cannot contest the righteousness of the act.

*Congressional Record-Senate. April 21, 1914, p. 6967.