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"A few days before his arrival at Paris, the French minister of foreign affairs informed the American minister, then resident at Paris, of the formalities to be observed by himself in taking leave, and by his successor preparatory to his reception. These formalities they observed, and, on the 9th of December, presented officially to the minister of foreign relations, the one, a copy of his letter of recall; the other, a copy of his letter of credence: these were laid before the Executive Directory. Two days afterwards, the minister of foreign relations informed the recalled American minister that the Executive Directory had determined not to receive another minister-plenipotentiary from the United States until after the redress of grievances demanded of the American Government, and which the French republic had a right to expect from it. The American minister immediately endeavored to ascertain whether, by refusing to receive him, it was intended that he should retire from the territories of the French republic; and verbal answers were given, that such was the intention of the Directory. For his own justification he desired a written answer, but obtained none

until towards the last of January; when, receiving notice, in writing, to quit the territories of the republic, he proceeded to Amsterdam, where he proposed to wait for instructions from his government. During his residence at Paris, cards of hospitality were refused him, and he was threatened with being subjected to the jurisdiction of the minister of police; but with becoming firmness he insisted on the protection of the law of nations due to him as the known minister of a foreign power. The speech of the president discloses sentiments more alarming than the refusal of a minister, because more dangerous to our independence and union, and at the same time studiously marked with indignities towards the government of the United States. It evinces a disposition to separate the people of the United States from the government; to persuade them that they have different affections, principles, and interests from those of their fellow-citizens whom they themselves have chosen to manage their common concerns; and thus to produce divisions fatal to our peace. I should have been happy to have thrown a veil over these transactions, if it

had been possible to conceal them; but they have passed on the great theatre of the world in the face of all Europe and America, and with such circumstances of publicity and solemnity, that they cannot be disguised, and will not soon be forgotten. They have inflicted a wound in the American breast: it is my sincere desire, however, that it may be healed. It is my desire, and in this I presume I concur with you and with our constituents, to preserve peace and friendship with all nations; and, believing that neither the honor nor the interest of the United States absolutely forbids the repetition of advances for securing these desirable objects with France, I shall institute a fresh attempt at negotiation, and shall not fail to promote and accelerate an accommodation on terms compatible with the rights, duties, interests, and honor of the nation. If we have committed errors, and these can be demonstrated, we shall be willing to correct them; if we have done injuries, we shall be willing, on conviction, to redress them: and equal measures of justice we have a right to expect from France and every other nation. While we are endeavoring to adjust

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all our differences with France by amicable negotiation, the progress of the war in Europe, the depredations on our commerce, the personal injuries to our citizens, and the general complexion of affairs, render it my indispensable duty to recommend to your consideration effectual measures of defence.

With a seacoast of near two thou

sand miles in extent, opening a wide field for fisheries, navigation, and commerce, a great portion of our citizens naturally apply their industry and enterprise to these objects. Any serious and permanent injury to commerce would not fail to produce the most embarrassing disorders: to prevent it from being undermined and destroyed, it is essential that it receive an adequate protection. A naval power, next to the militia, is the natural defence of the United States. However we may consider ourselves, the maritime and commercial powers of the world will consider the United States of America as forming a weight in that balance of power in Europe which never can be forgotten or neglected... It is impossible to conceal from ourselves or the world that endeavors have been employed to foster and establish a division between

the government and the people of the United States. To investigate the causes which have encouraged this attempt is not necessary; but to repel by decided and united councils insinuations. so derogatory to the honor, and aggressions so dangerous to the constitution, union, and even independence, of the nation, is an indispensable duty. It must not be permitted to be doubted whether the people of the United States will support the government established by their voluntary consent, and appointed by their free choice; or whether, by surrendering themselves to the direction of foreign and domestic factions, in opposition to their own government, they will forfeit the honorable station they have hitherto maintained."

Nov. 23." Although I cannot yet congratulate you on the re-establishment of peace in Europe, and the restoration of security to the persons and properties of our citizens from injustice and violence at sea, we have, nevertheless, abundant causes of gratitude to the Source of benevolence and influence for interior tranquillity and personal security; for propitious seasons, prosperous agriculture, productive fisheries, and general