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point the unwisdom of granting free transportation to our coastwise shipping:

“Are we now to cast aside all of our high purposes which have been consecrated by uniform practices for the past century and a quarter, from the administration of Washington to the administration of Wilson for a paltry sum at most of $2,000,000 annually?

Are we to sacrifice the decent respect for the opinions of mankind for this miserable mess of pottage? This phase of the subject I wish to emphasize, as the importance of it impresses itself upon me with greater force than perhaps it does some others, who have not been charged with service for the country in foreign lands, and therefore perhaps do not appreciate as fully as they otherwise would, its international aspect and relationship.


“You have before you

the understanding as to the meaning of the treaty given by our negotiators, Ambassador Choate and Henry White, who are both emphatic in their statement that there was no preference to be given to any of our ships over those of Great Britain. If any doubt remains in our midst, for there is no doubt on the part of other nations, let us not leave with them even a suspicion that because we have the power to construe this treaty to their disadvantage we would do them even an apparent injustice. Let us, on the contrary, emphasize that our word is as good as our bond and that our bond is not open to technical construction, or even to quibble, and that we will fulfill it not only to the letter but in accord with a broad and liberal spirit, as was so admirably expressed by Washington in his Farewell Address:

It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence.

“I have purposely avoided going over the general argument as to the construction of the treaty, and have tried to confine myself to the international aspect of it. I need not impress upon your mind the great value of a great reputation for fairness, for broadness of view on the part of a nation. We have or did have a tremendous influence in the councils of nations upon all questions affecting the international welfare of the world. Now, as a matter of policy, should we not do everything to continue that great power, and in the language of Sumner in his Prophetic Voices Concerning America, that 'the example of the United States will be more puissant than Army or Navy for the conquest of the world.'

“I think there is no doubt that the nations of the world feel that in excluding our coastwise ships from the payment of tolls that we putting it in its mildest form-are making a technical construction for our advantage of an international treaty that is of interest to the whole world.

“Now, as a matter of policy, would it not be wise in consideration of the great influence that we can exert and are exerting in the court of nations, not to take advantage of what to them appears, and to many of the ablest men of the Senate and House appears, as a technical and narrow construction? That appears to me to be the broad view of the subject. I know from personal experience that many of the leading men feel that we, in making this construction, are technical, narrow and selfish."

The following newspaper clippings are in line with the foregoing:

It is difficult for an American to realize the false position in which we have been placed as a nation by the enactment of two years ago, when we legislated in favor of freedom of American vessels engaged in the coastwise trade from the payment of tolls. However, our own selfish interests may prejudice us in our construction of the terms of the Hay-Pauncefote treaty, the fact remains that in Europe the treaty is looked upon as guaranteeing to other nations the use of the canal under exactly the same conditions as those which apply to the United States. Indeed, this action has won for us the unpleasant reputation of being willing to ignore plain treaty stipulations when our interests so suggest. In short, tradition, consistency and national honor all unite in demanding that we take speedy action to renounce this legislation of two years ago and that we at once place all our traffic through the canal upon the same basis as that of other nations.”

“London, April 3.-The Spectator, commenting upon the status of the Panama Canal tolls repeal bill in the United States Congress, says in an editorial today:

The honor of the United States is now at stake before the whole world. We do not think we shall be charged with affectation if we say that the question whether British ships are or are not to pay more than their share for the up-keep of the canal is as nothing compared with the question whether the United States can or cannot be counted upon to accept the obvious meanings of treaties and scrupulously to observe them.

If the mighty Anglo-American race in the United States, which has received the imprint of Anglo-Saxon character, allows it to be said that the United States does not respect treaties, a

crippling blow will have been struck at the best of all AngloSaxon traditions. The value of international relations would be changed and the world would be different.

We will close this line of observations with appropriate comments by Charles Francis Adams:

"I feel strongly on the subject, and also as an American citizen, somewhat humiliated by the turn discussion is taking. So far as I can see, it is shockingly low in tone; quite worthy, perhaps, of 'Little Jack Horner,' but altogether unworthy of the occasion.

"The keynote of the discussion, it strikes me as I suggested to you last evening-should have been Hamilton's somewhat famous remark that the American people must learn 'to think continentally. This was said with an eye to provincial conditions then (1787) existing, and impeding the attainment of nationality. We have got beyond that now; and, in the present case, it is most desirable the American people should be made to think cosmopolitanly. We have attained a higher status.

“So it irritates and mortifies me to have this tolls discussion conducted, as it is the tendency to conduct it, on a country crossroads grocery level. I hear it said, for instance, by those who, it seems to me, should know better, that the Hay-Pauncefote treaty was a mistake and for us a bad bargain,' but we must make the best of it.' On the other hand, I hear it suggested that the treaty admits of a police-court construction, under which, by having recourse to a quibble and reading words into it, we would secure certain advantages--as much, forinstance, as five cents, possibly, a head for each inhabitant!

“I take a wholly different view of the matter. I

insist upon it that the treaty is in no way ‘a bad bargain'; it was, on the contrary, negotiated in a large cosmopolitan spirit, and, dealing with a world-issue, it is in every respect right, sound, and as it should be. The negotiators appreciated the fact that this was a world question, and, rising to an equality with it, small local interests and temporary advantages were eliminated from consideration. They so acted, and they were right in so acting. It was a large, statesmanlike, world-wide, all-time view.

SHOULD LIVE UP TO SPIRIT “In this spirit they negotiated a treaty in which the United States was the principal factor and largest party in interest. The United States should now, in my judgment, live up to this—not bargain; that is a low huckstering term-but should live up to this international pact. It is essentially cosmopolitan, and should be dealt with in a cosmopolitan and not a ten-and-six spirit.

“That larger and higher aspiration dictated the terms of a treaty under which no nation was to have any

advantage over any other nation, and the peoples of the world were to use this international thoroughfare on terms of absolute equality, one with another. There were to be no small preferences. What was law for one was to be law for another. And this was right!

“The enforcement of that law and this pact was then left with the United States. Such being the case, we should, in my judgment, be the very last people on earth to read into the treaty what is not plainly there, or to claim under it any exclusive or sordid benefit. We should say that we propose to enforce the rule of absolute

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