nomic feature which you can entertain and discuss Chapter III in absolute confidence." Colonel Gilinsky called attention to the fact that the Russian proposition was the only one upon the subject which had been submitted to the Conference, but assured all the members that any alternative proposition, modification, or suggestion for amendment coming from any other country would be most welcome. He hoped the question would be carefully and freely discussed. As for disarmament, he repeated that it was neither practicable nor desirable to discuss that question until an agreement had been reached regarding a limitation of present armaments. He closed as follows: "The idea of the Emperor of Russia is grand and generous. Misunderstood at first, it now commands the approval of all peoples, for the people have at last understood that this idea has in view nothing but peace and the prosperity of all. The seed has fallen into fruitful soil- the human mind is aroused it is working to make it germinate, and soon I am sure this seed will bear beautiful fruit. If not this first Conference, it will be a future Conference which will accept the idea, for it responds to the wants of the nations. We are here, gentlemen, to cultivate this idea, to solve this problem. Do not let us yield the honor to others. Let us make a supreme effort, and with good-will and confidence, I hope we shall arrive at the very agreement so ardently desired by all nations." At the next meeting of the First Committee on Chapter III Speech of June 27, Colonel Gilinsky gave a few additional explanations of the Russian proposal, the most important being, that, while Russia had no colonies in the strict sense of the term, she owned territories at a very great distance from Europe, and he consequently proposed to treat troops serving in the Central Asia and the Amur districts like the colonial troops of other Powers; that is to say, to place no limitation upon their numbers. General Gross von Schwarzhoff of Germany thereupon spoke as follows: "GENTLEMEN: Our honored colleague, Colonel Schwarzhoff. Gilinsky, has requested us not to vote, but to discuss the propositions which have been formulated in his report on the first point of the Circular of Count Mouravieff. I feel constrained to comply with this request, and to express my opinion, and I shall do so with perfect frankness, and without any reservation. In the meanwhile, however, I should like to say a few words in reply to General Den Beer Poortugael, who made himself the warm defender of these propositions even before they had been submitted to us. He did so in very elevated and picturesque language, for which I envy him, and of which we all recognize the high eloquence. But I am unable to agree with all the ideas which he has expressed. There is a Latin proverb which says, 'Quis tacet consentire videatur,' and I should not like to have my silence taken as consent. I can hardly believe that among my honored colleagues there is a single one ready to state that his Sovereign, his Government, is engaged in working for the inevitable ruin, the slow but sure Chapter III annihilation of his country. I have no mandate to speak for my honored colleagues, but so far as Germany is concerned, I am able to completely reassure her friends and to relieve all well-meant anxiety. The German people is not crushed under the weight of charges and taxes, it is not hanging on the brink of an abyss; it is not approaching exhaustion and ruin. Quite the contrary; public and private wealth is increasing, the general welfare and standard of life is being raised from one year to another. So far as compulsory military service is concerned, which is so closely connected with those questions, the German does not regard this as a heavy burden, but as a sacred and patriotic duty to which he owes his country's existence, its prosperity, and its future. "I return to the propositions of Colonel Gilinsky, and to the arguments which have been advanced, and which to my mind are not quite consistent with each. other. On the one hand, it is feared that excessive armaments may bring about war; on the other, that the exhaustion of national wealth will make war impossible. As for me, I have too much confidence in the wisdom of sovereigns and nations to share such fears. On the one hand, it is pretended that nothing is asked but things which have existed for a long time in some countries, and which therefore present no technical difficulties; on the other hand, it is said that this is truly a very difficult question, the solution of which would require a supreme effort. I am entirely of the latter opinion. We shall encounter Chapter III 8 I insurmountable obstacles-those which may be called technical in a somewhat wider sense of the term. Schwarzhoff. believe that the question of effectives cannot be regarded by itself alone, disconnected from a number of other questions to which it is quite subordinated. Such questions, for instance, as the state of public instruction, the length of time of active military service, the number of established regiments, the effectives of each army unit, the number and duration of the drills or military obligations of the reserves, the location of the different army corps, the railway system, the number and situation of fortified places. In a modern army all of these belong together and form the national defence which each people has organized according to its character, its history, and its traditions, taking into account its economical resources, its geographical situation, and the duties incumbent upon it. it. I believe that it would be very difficult to substitute for such an eminently national task an international convention. It would be impossible to determine the extent and the force of one single portion of this complicated mechanism. It is impossible to speak of effectives without taking into account the other elements which I have enumerated in a most incomplete manner. Furthermore, mention has been made only of troops stationed in the larger cities, and with this Colonel Gilinsky agrees; but there is territory which may not be a part of the particular country, but which may be so near that troops stationed there would certainly participate in a continental war. And the countries over sea-how could they ever admit a limitation of their armies Chapter III if colonial troops, which alone menace them, are not to be affected by this convention? "Gentlemen: I have simply indicated from a general point of view some of the reasons which, according to my view, prevent the realization of the desire which is surely shared by us all, to arrive at an agreement on the question before us. Permit me to add a few words regarding the special situation of 6 |