General Grant's movement having been made September 1st. On the 5th of September the Federal forces occupied Paducah and other points in Kentucky. Gen. Robert Anderson, of Fort Sumter fame, was ordered to the command of the Federal forces in Kentucky. On September 20th, the legislature passed an act directing the governor to call out 40,000 Kentuckians to repel the invasion by armed forces of the Confederate government. No notice was taken of the armed Union forces at Camp Dick Robinson.

Neutrality had flown away as chaff before the wind. Thereafter, Kentucky was considered by the Federal authorities as a territory which could be entered at will and held as long as the Confederates did not drive out the Union forces. There was a sentiment existing in the non-combattant force which gravitated to the ruling power and this brought recruits to the recruiting station at Camp Dick

Robinson. Many of the men who flocked thither made subsequently good soldiers and on many battlefields bravely upheld the honor of the state, though, in doing so, they more than once confronted their equally brave opponents from Kentucky. No other war of modern times has had so pathetic a condition as this. At Shiloh, when the fighting had ended, Federal soldiers searching among the killed and wounded, found their brothers dead upon the field in the Confederate uniform. Can one, in these days of peace, imagine what a condition such as that must have meant to the brave men who wore the blue uniform of the United States forces or the gray of the Confederates? "The horrors of war" is a tame expression; it was the very hell of war which confronted these gallant Kentucky boys who offered up their lives in defense of their respective opinions.

Prior to this time, those who had wished to join the armies of the Confederacy had done so without let or hindrance, but conditions had changed and to reach the southern lines required diplomacy and the utmost care. Men went south singly or on small squads; such a thing as the easy passage of an entire company southward was no longer known. Home guards, armed with guns sent from northern arsenals, were formed in every county and while they formed no strong obstacle to the organized bodies of Confederates with whom they occasionally and so far as they were concerned, accidentally came in contact, they made dangerous the passage southward of recruits for the southern army. But by no means did they prevent the movements of those recruits. It became the rule - for these latter to travel by night from the home of some southern sympathizer, who acted as their guide, to the home of another of like sympathies, where they would remain in hiding during the day and proceed again at night with their last host as a guide. In this manner thousands of men made their way from Kentucky into Tennessee and Virginia, there to enlist in the Confederate army. A gentleman, who many years afterwards held

a high position in the service of the government of the United States, owed his safe progress through the lines of the Union army into those of the Confederates to a Kentucky woman who, mounted behind him on his horse, guided him through the mountain fastnesses in the darkness of night, never leaving him until he had successfully passed the Confederate outposts, after which she bravely made her way homeward on foot.

The men who braved the mountain passes in daylight marches were confronted by the "bushwhacker," whose sympathy for the Union was strong enough to lead him to fire from behind a tree upon a man whom he chose to class as an enemy, but was not equal to bringing him to a recruiting office where he could don a uniform and thereafter meet his enemy upon an equal footing. Some of these "bushwhackers" at a later period of the war, met a fate they had little expected in the earlier days of their experience. On the retreat of the Confederate army under General Bragg from Kentucky, in 1862, seventeen of them, who had been especially obnoxious and active, hanging on the outskirts of the line of march and firing at will upon the troops, were captured and incontinently hanged to a tree

by the roadside. At another point, three of the same ilk who had made themselves equally busy as non-combattants in killing the soldiers of the retreating army, were captured and shot. An expeditionary party, commanded by Major Clarence Prentice, the Confederate son of the distinguished George D. Prentice, the Unionist editor of the Louisville Journal, was sent at one time against these predatory gentlemen. On his return to headquarters he made this laconic report: "It is a gratifying reflection that many of them will 'whack' no more."

It may seem to the reader of these words in these days of peace that the treatment accorded these "bushwhackers" was unduly severe, but it should be remembered that they were not connected with the Union army; they were not soldiers at all, but merely murderers. They sneaked behind trees and rocks along the mountain sides and, as opportunity presented, fired from their points of vantage upon unsuspecting soldiers passing their way, and then fled from pursuit. The solitary soldier, straggling behind his regiment, had no chance for escape. He was ruthlessly murdered and robbed. It was because of these facts that the "bushwhackers" when captured, neither expected nor received clemency.

The prevalence of this unlawful system of warfare led later to the organization of semimilitary bodies of guerrillas, who, recognizing the authority of no flag, operated indifferently under either as circumstances demanded, and were a constant menace to law and order wherever their operations extended. Neither the Union nor Confederate forces were justly responsible for these marauders, made up, as they usually were, by deserters from the two armies who had no interest in the success of either, nor higher aim than the accumulation of the property of non-combattants without regard to the political sympathies of their victims. They were the froth thrown up from the boiling maelstrom of war and very worth

less froth at that. It is gratifying now to recall that many of them met their just deserts before their careers had grown old. These men were not properly Federal or Confederate soldiers; they wore, as occasion demanded, the uniform of either army. They were simply outlaws, quick to prey upon the defenseless persons who fell in their way, yet, as the people who sympathized with the south were without newspapers to print their views, or to publicly speak for them when despitefully used, it became the rule to ascribe all the depredations of these guerilla bands to the south, though it was known then, as it is now, that neither the north nor the south was justly responsible for their depredations, any more than Chicago is responsible today for the pickpocket arrested while plying his trade in New Orleans and claiming the former city as his home.

Sympathizers with the south led a precarious existence in those days, and many men went to sleep in seeming safety to awake in the hands of United States' marshals. Some of these were placed in jail; others more prominent found themselves in Federal prison camps or fortresses. Among these latter were James B. Clay, a former member of congress, and son of Henry Clay, Charles S. Morehead, former governor of Kentucky, and Reuben T. Durrett, former editor of the Louisville Courier, and then, as now, one of the representative men of Kentucky. These men had committed no offenses against the Federal government, but the finger of suspicion, doubtless of malice, had pointed at them and they paid the penalty in prison cells. The imprisonment of these prominent citizens was but the beginning of similar action against others of like high character with themselves, the list of whose names, if written here, would require much space and in this day of renewed peace, serve no good purpose. It is a pleasure to lighten the darkness of those unhappy days with the statement that the terms

of imprisonment of many of the southern sympathizers were shortened at the instance of Union men who interfered in their behalf. It is not a pleasant duty to the writer of today to recall the incidents of the days of civil warfare; rather is it a pleasure, as it is a duty, to record that the bitterness of those painful days has entirely passed and that in Kentucky the only memories of the war are those of the glorious deeds done in battle by her valiant sons, no one asking the color of the uniforms worn by those soldier sons, nor the flag under which they fought. When war came again to our country, the sons of the soldiers of 1861-5 sprang to the front under the flag of the Union, regardless of where their fathers had fought, and thus may it ever be while the Union exists. So long as an undivided country stands with the flag of the Union flying over it, no fear need come to the people of that Union, for there exists nowhere a power that can do it permanent harm. The motto of Kentucky: "United we stand; divided we fall" was not written in vain. It was written in a spirit of prophesy and applied to the Union, tells to all the world that this country and its free institutions will exist until time shall be no more and all governments shall have passed away.

When the great war had been fought to a conclusion, the Kentucky soldiers of the two armies came home and, as bravely began the rehabilament of the state as they had fought each other during its progress. Bitterness passed away as the morning dew before the sun's rays. Captain Ed Porter Thompson, a very gallant Kentucky Confederate soldier, has written of the war in these words: "Perhaps no conflict between the civilized nations of the earth has been of such magnitude as was that of the War Between the States. Certainly no other was so remarkable in respect to the question involved and to the result upon the destinies of a vast continent. And notwithstanding the ravings of fanatics that did

so much to precipitate it, no other two mighty antagonists were ever so sincerely honest and unanimous in their respective views of the matter in issue as were the people of the north and the south. Having fought each other long and heroically on what may be styled a mere open clause in the constitution and disposed of the matter for all time, it is not to the interest or the glory of either to try to forestall the verdict of the future upon the motives or the conduct of the other. The term 'rebel,' as applied to southern men, and used in current speech, is not offensive, because they have accepted it, applied to themselves and, though conscious of its falsity, they regard it rather as the title of distinction which connects them with that stupendous struggle during which all the world wondered' at their valor, their endurance and their fealty; but it bespeaks either the uncandid and time-serving or careless mind, when one who essays to chronicle the events of that time sets down for the eyes of the dispassionate reader of the future the terms 'rebel' and 'rebellion.' The movement of the southern states was, in no sense, a rebellion, unless, indeed, we may speak of it as a rebellion against the assumption of the north that every state surrendered its sovereignty when it ratified the constitution of 1787."

But it may by many be considered profitless at this late day, to consider the causes which brought that tremendous upheaval to the country. It has many times been said that it is to the historian of the future that the story of the war, its causes and its effects, must be left, since those who are of its era view it from personal or partisan standpoints, which prevent that calm analysis which should mark the historian's work. Therefore there shall be little found here or hereafter, in this work as to the causes which set the two forces of the country face to face in deadly conflict. Events, rather than causes, will mark the further pages of this work.

Kentuckians were not slow in taking their stand in the forefront of events. Those who were for the north flocked to the recruiting stations at Camp Dick Robinson, or across the Ohio river at Jeffersonville; those who were for the south made their way, as best they could to the Confederate lines in Virginia and Tennessee. Everyone recognized that the hour for temporizing had passed and that of action had come.

Of that period, a distinguished and venerable citizen of Kentucky, happily yet numbered among the state's active and useful living sons, has spoken from first knowledge. Hon. The odore L. Burnett, of Louisville, one of the few surviving members of the Confederate congress, in an address delivered in 1910, says:

"The observance of the neutrality of Kentucky by the Confederate government was such as to necessitate the formation of three camps outside the state and in the state of Tennessee, to-wit: Camp Boone, Camp Burnett, and Camp Breckinridge, where troops were organized in companies, regiments and brigades. About the 18th of September, 1861, Brigadier General S. B. Buckner, with Confederate troops, occupied Bowling Green, Kentucky, and issued a proclamation to the people of Kentucky, giving his assurance that the force under his command would be used to aid the governor of Kentucky in carrying out the strict neutrality desired by its people whenever they undertook to enforce it against the two belligerents alike."

Under the conditions then existing, the Confederates not being recognized as belligerents by the United States forces, Judge Burnett states that "a proclamation was issued calling a Sovereignty convention to meet at Russellville on November 18, 1861.

"Sixty-five counties responded to this proclamation. They met in Russellville and the convention was organized with about two hundred members. The Hon. Henry C. Burnett was elected president of the convention. He

had represented the First Kentucky district for eight years in the congress of the United States and was among the greatest of all the great men produced in this commonwealth. Col. Robert McKee was elected secretary of state; O. F. Payne, assistant secretary of state; John Burnham, treasurer; Richard Hawes, auditor, and Walter N. Haldeman, state printer.

"They also elected an executive council, to-wit: Willis B. Machen of Lyon county; John W. Crockett, Henderson county; Phil B. Thompson, Mercer county; James P. Bates, Warren county; James S. Chrisman, Wayne county; Elijah Burnside, Garrard county; Horatio W. Bruce, of Louisville; Ely M. Bruce, Mason county; James W. Moore, Montgomery county, and George B. Hodge, Campbell county. It is but proper that we pause one moment to reflect upon the characters of the distinguished men composing this executive council. Willis B. Machen had served his district long in the legislature; he was afterwards a member of the United States senate, appointed from Kentucky; John W. Crockett was one of the leading lawyers of the state; Phil B. Thompson, of Mercer county, was one of the heroes of Buena Vista and a great lawyer; James P. Bates of Warren county, a distinguished lawyer; James S. Chrisman had been a member of the United States congress, a member of the constitutional convention of 1849, and a distinguished lawyer; Ely Bruce, a citizen of high standing and commercial reputation; H. W. Bruce, a distinguished lawyer, had been a candidate for the United States congress in the Louisville district, and after the war was for many years judge of the circuit court, then Chancellor, then chief counsel for the Louisville and Nashville railroad, and a better man never lived; James W. Moore, long a circuit judge and a splendid lawyer, and George B. Hodge, long a member of the state legislature and a fine lawyer.

"When these gentlemen had accomplished