example. A motive that ought to influence the house in favour of the prince, was the generosity with which parliament had increased the revenues of the crown, since the king's accession, and that too in times of great difficulty and expence. Why should not the prince par. take of the same indulgence? He would, nevertheless, object to the smallness of the sum set apart for the annual payment of the prince's creditors it threw them at an un. reasonable distance from the term of final settlement. A larger portion of his income ought to be appropriated to so just a purpose; and he was of opinion, that not less than sixtyfive thousand pounds a year, together with the revenues of the duchy of Cornwall, should be sacrificed to the liquidation of his debts. The credit arising to him, from so liberal an appropriation, would more than compensate the inconveniences that might accrue from the stinted income to which he would of consequence be narrowed. Were these inconveniences to be put in competition with the applause he would gain from the whole kingdom? In order, however, to obviate the difficulties that might be apprehended from too circumcribed an income, Mr. Fox advised the selling of the duchy of Cornwall; the produce of which would enable the prince to discharge all incum. brances in three or four years. He used several other reasonings on the subject; after which the house di. vided on Mr. Grey's motion of amendment. Ninety-nine approved, and two hundred and sixty rejected it. The repairing of Carlton house was carried by two hundred and forty-eight against ninety-nine, and the marriage expences by two hun. dred and forty one against a hundred.

Various other discussions took place on this subject in both houses, similar in matter and manner to what has been above-mentioned. It was insisted on by some, that the duchy of Cornwall ought to be dis. posed of for the purpose in question, and by others, that it ought to remain unsaleable, and the revenue only made use of. A number of observations were also brought forward relating to the nature of that duchy and its tenure, the monies arising from it during the prince's minority, and whether they were claimable on behalf of the prince. A multitude of arguments were produced on this occasion, and a tedi. ous course of litigation employed the attention of the house during several sittings.

In the house of lords, the duke of Clarence took severe notice of the conduct of ministers towards the prince, his brother. They had, he said, carefully deprived him, as far as lay in their power, of the popu larity to which he was justly entitled, for the readiness of his acquiescence in all the measures proposed in relation to him, and had endeavoured to impress the public with the idea that they only had consulted its interests. They had also, in the bill to prevent future princes of Wales from contracting debts, pointed at him with unjustifiable personality. It was certainly no equitable treat. ment of the prince, to single him out as an exception to the unbounded liberality with which they supplied the foreign princes, who applied to them for pecuniary as. sistance.

The duke of Bedford expressed himself in much the same manner. A variety of circumstances, he said, would occur to candid minds, in

extenu.

extenuation of the errcs of the prince, which were or a juvenile description, and did by no means call for asperity of censure. The earl of Lauderdale spoke in the same style, observing, that debts of a much larger amount had been discharged in the antecedent reigns, without stigmatizing the princes who had incurred them. The aid required, consisted of some hundred thousands; and did it become so great and opulent a people, to act with severity towards a young prince, from whose virtues, abilities, and accomplishments, they might justly expect to derive so much contentment?

This business, after it had been agitated during two months, closed, at last, on the 27th of June, by an act, settling on the prince an annual revenue of one hundred and twentyfive thousand pounds, together with

the rents of the duchy of Cornwall, valued at thirteen thousand. Out of this income seventy-three thousand were appropriated to the dis charge of his debts, under the direc tion of commissioners appointed for that purpose by parliament; and provision was made, at the same time, to prevent the accumulation of debts, by the regulations that have been specified, and that were not adopted, however, without vio. lent debates.

This settlement, though carried by a great majority in both houses, was considered, by several of the most respectable members, as inju. dicious and defective; and they de clared it their opinion, that considerable amendments would shortly be necessary, to render it effectual and satisfactory.

CHAR.

of Ireland, throwing aside all religious animosities, united in a deter. mination to place themselves on a footing of entire independence on Great Britain, without breaking, however, the connexion that held the two kingdoms together by the acknowledgment of one sovereign, This resolve was partly carried in. to execution; and during some years, the controul of the British administration over Ireland, remained uncertain and precarious. But the differences, between the Roman Catholics and the Protestants, gradually diminished the cordiality with which they had united for their mutual security, in the hour of common danger; and the support of England being indispensable for the preservation of the Protest ants, these of course renewed their adherence to this country, which soon recovered its former ascendancy, and felt at the same time the necessity of affording the strongest countenance to that party; which, partly from religious, partly from political motives, looked upon itself as bound for its own safety to make one common cause with Britain.

The population of Ireland is calculated at near four millions: three of these consist of Roman Catholics, the other million of Protestants, one half of whom adheres to the Church of England, the other to that of Scotland, from which country the majority of the people of that persuasion are originally de. scended. But, though the antipa thy of the Presbyterians to the Church of Rome far exceeds that of the Episcopalians, the exclusive privileges enjoyed by those in all matters relating to government, have by degrees contributed to reconcile the Roman Catholics with

the dissenters from the Church of England, and to connect them to. gether in the pursuit of their politi. cal interests.

The superiority of numbers, on the side of the Catholics and Dissen. ters, amounting, according to their representation, to seven-eighths of the whole nation, naturally excited their discontent at their subjection to so inferior a proportion of their countrymen. The Roman Catho lics, in particular, whose religious zeal was inflamed by the exaction of tythes and other ecclesiastical dues, enforced upon them usually with great strictness, frequently resisted the collectors, and treated them with unmerciful violence.

The moderate party in the Irish parliament, fearful of the conse. quences that might ensue from this hostile disposition in so vast a ma. jority of the inhabitants, thought it prudent to frame such regulations in the collection of tythes and church dues, as might remove the com. plaints of those who deemed themselves aggrieved: but their endea yours to obtain from the legislature the establishment of such arrange. ments, as might prove less onerous were entirely frustrated: the ruling party dreaded that, by complying with these demands, others would follow, attended with more danger either in the grant or the refusa)...

This repulse of an attempt which, was thought equally consistent with justice and good policy, deeply exasperated all those who were af fected by it. Assemblies of the principal Roman Catholics were held, wherein it was resolved to ap ply to the king himself, for a redress of those hardships, and of other le-gal oppressions; and to petition him, at the same time, for a participation

in all the rights of their fellow subjects.

This was an application of the most serious nature. A total compliance or rejection were fraught with equal peril. The British mi nistry were desirous to oblige one party without offending the other. But the Roman Catholics, numerous and determined, were become so formidable, that it did not appear safe to refuse the petition, which they were convinced was founded on manifest equity. The Irish legisla. ture, on the other hand, composed entirely of Protestants, were zealous in opposing demands that would place their antagonists on a parity with themselves. Nor was the ministry inclined to weaken in any essential manner the Protestant interest in Ireland, on which alone it had long been used to place any reliance. In order, therefore, to retain the attachment of the one, and not to lose the good will of the other, an answer was returned to the petition, containing a number of material concessions: the validity of marriages with Protestants, the right of taking apprentices, of keeping schools, and of pleading at the bar, with other privileges hitherto withheld from them, were fully established.

When the restrictions so many years laid on the Roman Catholics in Ireland, and of which they had so bitterly complained, are duly considered, these were certainly valuable concessions: but the firmly cherished hope, of a total deliver. ance from all disqualifications, was so predominant among them, that these grants met with a cold reception.

The murmurs and discontents that now prevailed both among the

Catholics and the Dissenters, ex. cited the most serious alarms in England. The secret connexions, subsisting between many of the Irish and French revolutionists, were justly dreaded, and it was not doubted, that these would exert their ut. most efforts to stir up insurrections in that kingdom.

It was in this critical juncture, that earl Fitzwilliam was appointed to the government of Ireland. His inclination to healing measures rendered this appointment peculiarly acceptable to the people of that kingdom, and he was received with universal satisfaction. The Irish parliament met on the 22d of January, 1795, and unanimously voted him the most favourable addresses; and, on the 9th of February, agreed to the amplest supplies that had ever been granted in that kingdom.

In the mean time, the Catholic party was preparing to renew its solicitations, and to enforce them with all the weight that time and circumstances would produce in their favour. Lord Fitzwilliam soon perceived that he would find it impracticable to defer the decision on their demands, without incurring the highest danger: in order to place himself in a favourable light with this formidable party, he employed, in the transactions with its leading members, a person in whom the Catholics universally confided, as a friend to conciliatory measures: this was the celebrated Mr. Grattan, whom they had selected as the most proper and active member of the legislature, for the effecting of their purposes. He moved, accordingly, on the 12th of February, for leave to bring in a bill for the relief of persons professing the Roman Catholic religion.

The