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cation, the hideous offspring of ignorance and terror, detesting men as criminals, and trembling at God as a tyrant. But Rome, according to the only historian who has circumstantially and authentically described its early transactions, was an expansion of Alba Longa, itself a Grecian colony, which, according to the immemorial and sacred custom of its mother-country, diffused into new settlements the exuberance of a flourishing population, produced by the wisest and most liberal institutions. According to the same admirable historian, the manly discernment of Romulus offered an asylum not merely for robbers and murderers, but for those who were threatened with murder or robbery, who spurned subjection, or fled from oppression; for, amidst the lawless turbulence of ancient Italy, the weak needed protectors against the strong, the few against the many; and Rome, at her earliest age, al ready systematically assisted the weakest party; thus adopting, in her infancy, that politic heroism that was destined, by firm and majestic steps to conduct her manhood and maturity to the fair sovereignty of consenting nations.

Both in their origin and in their progress, Rome and St. Marino form the natural objects, not, indeed, of a comparison, but, of a striking contrast; and compressed as is the latter republic between the dominions of the pope and those of the grand duke, to whose subjects St. Marino is bound to allow a free passage through its territory, its citizens would deserve ridicule or pity did they affect the character, or imitate the maxims, of those mag,

nanimous senators, who, for the space of more than two centuries, swayed the politics and controlled the revolutions of the world. Convinced that their independence results from their insignificancy, the senators of St. Marino smiled, when we read in Mr. Addison, "These republicans would sell their liberties dear to any that attacked them." We had not the indelicacy to desire them to interpret this smile; or to make, ourselves, any comment upon it, being persuaded, that, precarious and shadowy as their liberty is, their rational knowledge and their virtues have enabled them to ex. tract from it both substantial and permament enjoyment, and make them live happier here, amidst rocks and snows, than are their Tuscan and Roman neighbours in rich plains and warm vallies.

To the inhabitants of this little state, the arengo, the council, the different offices of magistracy, innocent rural labours, and military exercises, equally useful and inne. cent, supply a continual succession of manly engagements. Hopes and fears respecting the safety of their country awaken curiosity and excite inquiry. They read the ga zettes of Europe with interest; they study history with improvement; in conversation,their questions are pertinent and their answers satisfactory. Contrary to what has been observed by travellers of other Italians, the citizens of St. Marino delight in literary conversation; and Mr. Addison remarks, that he hardly met with an unlettered man in their republic. In speaking of Beccaria's book on style, then recently published, one of the senators said, that

Dionysius of Halicarnassus.

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it was a treatise on style, in a very bad style, abounding in false ornaments and epigrammatic gallicism. Another observed, he wished that fashionable writer, who had been commented on by Voltaire, an author still more fashionable and pernicious than himself, would confine himself to such harmless topics as rhetoric and style; for his book on Crimes and Punishments was calculated to do much serious misb. chief, at least to prevent much positive good: because in that popular work he had declaimed very persuasively against capital punish inents, in a country long disgraced by capital crimes, which scarcely ever capitally punished.

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The love of letters which distinguishes the people of St. Marino makes them regret that they are seldom visited by literary travellers. Of our own countrymen, belonging to this description, they mentioned with much respect Mr. Addison and Il Signor Giovanni Symonds, now professor of history in the university of Cambridge. We were proud of being classed with such men by the honest simplicity of these virtuous mountaineers, whom we left with regret, most heartily wishing to them the continuance of their liberties, which, to men of their character, and theirs only, are reat and solid blessings.

Account of the celebrated Conspiracy of the Pazzi at Florence; from Roscoe's Life of Lorenzo de' Medici.

A Transaction, in which a pope,

a cardinal, an archbishop, and several other ecclesiastics, associated themselves with a band of ruffans, to destroy two men who were

an honour to their age and country; and purposed to perpetrate their crime at a season of hospitality, in the sanctuary of a Christian church, and at the very moment of the elevation of the host, when the audience bowed down before it, and the assassins were presumed to be in the immediate presence of their God.

At the head of this conspiracy were Sixtus IV. and his nephew Girolamo Riario. Raffaelle Riario, the nephew of this Girolamo, who, although a young man then pursuing his studies, had lately been raised to the dignity of cardinal, was rather an instrument than an accomplice in the scheme. The enmity of Sixtus to Lorenzo had for some time been apparent, and if not occasioned by the assistance which Lorenzo had afforded to Nicolo Vitelli, and other independent nobles, whose domini ons Sixtus had either threatened or attacked, was certainly increased by it. The destruction of the Medici appeared therefore to Sixtus as the removal of an obstacle that thwarted all his views; and by the accomplishment of which the sinall surrounding states would become an easy prey. There is, however, great reason to believe that the pope did not confine his ambition to these subordinate governments, but that, if the conspiracy had succeeded to his wish, he meant to have grasped at the dominion of Florence itself. The alliance lately formed between the Florentines, the Venetiaus, and the duke of Milan, which was principally effected by Lorenzo de' Medici, and by which the pope found himself prevented from disturbing the peace of Italy, was an additional and powerful motive of resentment. One of the first proofs of the displea sure of the pope was his depriving

Lorenzo

Lorenzo of the office of treasurer of the papal see, which he gave to the Pazzi, a Florentine family, who as well as the Medici had a public bank at Rome, and who afterwards became the coadjutors of Sixtus in the execution of his treacherous purpose.

This family was one of the noblest and most respectable in Florence; numerous in its members, and possessed of great wealth and influence. Of three brothers, two of whom had filled the office of gonsaloniere, only one was then living

This conspiracy, of which Sixtus and his nephew were the real instigators, was first agitated at Rome, where the intercourse between the count Girolamo Riario and Francesco de' Pazzi, in consequence of the office held by the latter, afforded them an opportunity of communicating to each other their mutual jealousy of the power of the Medici, and their desire of depriving them of their influence in Florence; in which event, it is highly probable, the Pazzi were to have exercised the chief authority in the city, under the patronage if not under the avowed dominion of the papal see. The principal agent engaged in the undertaking was Francesco Salviati, archbishop of Pisa, to which rank he had lately been promoted by Sixtus, in opposition to the wishes of the Medici, who had for some time endeavoured to prevent him from exercising his episcopal functions. If it be allowed that the unfavourable character given of him by Politian is exaggerated, it is generally agreed that his qualities were the reverse of those which ought to have been the recommendations to such high preferment. The other conspira

tors were Giacopo Salviati, brother of the archbishop, Giacopo Poggio, one of the sons of the celebrated Poggio Bracciolini, and who, like all the other sons of that eminent scholar, had obtained no small share of literary reputation; Bernardo Bandini, a daring libertine, rendered desperate by the consequences of his excesses; Giovan Battista Montesicco, who had distinguished himself by his military talents as one of the Condotteiri of the armies of the pope; Antonio Maffei, a priest of Volterra; and Stefano da Bagnone, one of the Apostolic scribes; with several others of inferior note.

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In the arrangement of their plan, which appears to have been concerted with great precaution and secresy, the conspirators soon discovered that the dangers, which they had to encounter were not so likely to arise from the difficulty of the attempt, as from the subsequent resentment of the Florentines, a great majority of whom strongly attached to the Medici. Hence it became necessary to provide a military force, the assistance of which might be equally requisite, whether the enterprize proved abortive or successful. By the influence of the pope, the king of Naples, who was then in alliance with him, and on one of whose sons he had recently bestowed a cardi nal's hat, was also induced to countenance the attempt.

These preliminaries being adjusted, Girolamo wrote to his nephew cardinal Riario, then at Pisa, ordering him to obey whatever directions he might receive from the archbishop. A body of two thousand men were destined to approach by different routes to

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wards Florence, so as to be in readiness at the time appointed for striking the blow.

- Shortly afterwards, the archbishop requested the presence of the cardinal at Florence, where he immediately repaired, and took up his residence at a seat of the Pazz, about a mile from the city. It seems to have been the intention of the conspirators to have effected their purpose at Fiesole, where Lorenzo then had his country residence, to which they supposed he would invite the cardinal and his attendants. Nor were they deceived in this conjecture, for Lorenzo prepared a magnificent entertainment on this occasion; but the absence of Giuliano, (the brother of Lorenzo,) on account of indisposition, obliged the conspirators to postpone the attempt. Disappointed in their hopes, another plan was now to be adopted; and on farther deliberation it was resolved, that the assassination should take place on the succeeding Sunday, in the church of the Reparata, since called Santa Maria del Fiore, and that the signal for execution should be the elevation of the host. at the same moment the archbishop, and others of the conspirators, were to sieze on the palace, or residence of the magistrates, whilst the office of Giacopo de' Pazzi was to indeavour, by the cry of liberty, to in cite the citizens to revolt. The immediate assassination of Giuliano was committed to Francesco de' Pazzi, and Bernardo Bandini, and that of Lorenzo had been entrusted to the sole hand of Montesicco. This office he had willingly undertaken while he understood that it was to be executed in a private dwelling, but he shrunk from the idea of polluting the house of God

Two

with so henious a crime.
ecclesiastics were therefore selected
for the commission of a deed, from
which the soldier was deterred by
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conscientious motives.
Stefano da Bagnone, the apostolic`
scribe, and Antonio Maffei.

The young cardinal having expressed a desire to attend divine service in the church of the Reparata, on the ensuing Sunday, being the 26th day of April, 1478, Lorenzo invited him and his suite to his house in Florence. He accordingly came with a large retinue, supporting the united characters of cardinal and apostolic legate, and was received by Lorenzo with that splendour and hospitality with which he was always accustomed to entertain men of high rank and consequence. Giuliano did not appear, a

circumstance which alarmed the conspirators, whose arrangements would not admit of longer delay. They soon, however, learned that he intended to be present at the church.

The service was already begun, and the cardinal had taken his seat, when Francesco de' Pazzi and Bandini, observing that Giuliano was not yet arrived, left the church, and went to his house, in order to insure and hasten his attendance. Giuliano accompanied them, and, as he walked between them, they threw their arms round him with the familiarity of intimate friends, but in fact to discover whether he had any armour under his dress; possibly conjecturing, from his long delay, that he had suspectAt the same ed their purpose. time, by their freedom and jocularity, they endeavoured to obviate any apprehensions which he might entertain from such a proceeding. The conspirators having taken their

stations

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stations near their intended victims, waited with impatience for the appointed signal. The bell rang the priest raised the consecrated water-the people bowed before itand at the same instant Bandini plunged a short dagger into the breast of Giuliano. On receiving the wound, he took a few hasty steps, and fell, when Francesco de' Pazzi rushed on him with incredible fury, and stabbed him in different parts of his body, continuing to repeat his strokes even after the was apparently dead. the violence of his rage, that he wounded himself deeply in the thigh. The priests, who had undertaken the murder of Lorenzo, were not equally successful. Hi-directed blow from Maffei, which was aimed at the throat, but took place behind the neck, rather roused him to his defence than disabled him. He immediately threw off his cloak, and holding it up as a shield in his left hand, with his right he drew his sword, and repelled his assailants. Perceiving that their purpose was defeated, the two ecelesiastics, after having wounded one of Lorenzo's attendants, who had enterposed to defend him, endeavoured to save themselves by Alight. At the same moment, Bandini, his dagger streaming with the blood of Giuliano, rushed towards Lorenzo; but meeting in his way with Francesco Nori, a person in the service of the Medici, and in whom they placed great confidence, he stabbed him with a wound instantaneously mortal.

At the ap

proach of Bandini, the friends of Lorenzo encircled him, and hurried him into the Sacristy, where Politiano and others closed the doors, which were of brass. Apprehen

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sions being entertained that the weapon which had wounded him was poisoned, a young man, attach. ed to Lorenzo, sucked the wound. A general alarm and consternation took place in the church; and such was the tumult which ensued, that it was at first believed by the audience, that the building was falling in; but no sooner was it understood that Lorenzo was in danger, than several of the youth of Florence formed themselves into a body, and receiving him into the midst of them, conducted him to his house, making a circuitous turn from the church, lest he should meet with the dead body of his brother.

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Of

share of merit, not one of them can contend, in point of poetical excellence, with Politiano, who, in his composition, approaches nearer to the standard of the ancients than any man of his time; yet whilst be emulates the dignity of Virgil, or reminds us of the elegance of Horace, he suggests not to our minds the idea of servile imitation. the character of his writings various opinions have indeed been enter tained, which have been detailed at large by Baillet, and still more copiously by Menckenius. It may therefore be sufficient, on this occasion, to caution the reader against an implicit acquiescence in the opinions of two eminent living authors, who have either obliquely censured, or too cautiously approved his poetical works. In the attempt made by Politiano, to restore a just taste

for

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