Africa. And once the railway has crossed the Canal it will not proceed far before it comes into contact with an outpost of the Asiatic system. Hitherto we have considered the question of the future of Palestine from the point of view of the Powers. That of the inhabitants must also, however, receive mention. The inhabitants of Palestine divide themselves into three classes; and there is plenty of evidence to show the directions to which the wishes of these classes point. The great majority of the inhabitants are Mohammedans; and they, apart from some of the handful of Turkish officials, may be said to be unanimously desirous of British protection. This desire is not of recent growth. It is a century old and more. It is testified to by numerous witnesses, from travellers who visited the country at the end of the 18th century to British residents who remained in Palestine after the outbreak of war and left but a few months ago. James Finn, who was British Consul at Jerusalem from 1845 to 1863, refers repeatedly in his Diaries * to the eagerness of the people for British rule. Laurence Oliphant, who settled in the land after the conclusion of the RussoTurkish War, mentions many times in his writings the joyful expectation of the natives that the English would administer their country.t Within the past year a British landing on the coast was more than once expected, and disappointment was caused when the expectation was not realised. The desire of the inhabitants for British protection, strong as it was forty years ago, is even stronger to-day, for the work of the British in the regeneration of Egypt during the past thirty years has rendered the natives of Palestine still more anxious for similar benefits. The Jews, the second element in the population, come from all parts, but mostly from Russia, Galicia and Roumania. There are in addition some thousands of Ottoman Jews. Like their fellow-Jews elsewhere, they are loyal to the government of the land. If, however, * Stirring Times' (London: Kegan Paul, 1878). + See, for instance, the account of his stay in the fanatically Moslem Nablous ('The Land of Gilead,' p. 326). any change in the government is to be made, we are fully justified in saying that they would welcome British rule and British protection. And they would cause no more trouble to the British than they have to the Turkish Government. The Jew abroad has always looked to England as his protector, and to this country as the land of justice and liberty. The Christians of Palestine, who form the smallest class in the population, divide into several groups. The German colony would naturally prefer another rule to that of Britain; and the same may be said of the Russian element, which as a nationality is not considerable. The majority of the priests of the Orthodox Church in Palestine are Greek by race, and, judging from the past, they would prefer not to live under Russian rule. The British and American colonies are naturally advocates of Britain, as are also the other small sects-the Abyssinians, the Copts and the Armenians. The attitude of the Latins, for the most part French or Italian by race, cannot be stated definitely, but there is no reason to doubt that the native Christians, who comprise by far the majority of the Christian inhabitants of Palestine, would welcome British rule.* One last question remains in this consideration of the future of Palestine, and this is the very thorny one of the Holy Places. This is not so much concerned with the Jews, to whom the whole land is holy, as with the Christians and the Moslems. To the Moslems Jerusalem is in holiness second only to Mecca. The Khalif is guardian of both cities. The future of the Khalifate is still open. It is outside the purview of this article. Britain, however, is the greatest Mohammedan Power in the world, and, as such, has among non-Moslem Powers the first claim to the political protection of the holy cities of Islam. The rival Christian claims are not so * The attitude of the various classes in the population of Palestine towards a British occupation was discussed by Canon Hichens, of Christ Church, Jerusalem, in the Contemporary Review' of May, 1915. In his opinion British rule would be welcomed by all classes. He mentions a conversation he had with a German Zionist leader whom he met in Palestine. To him the fulfilment of the Zionist idea could come about only in one of two ways-as 'a Jewish Governate under the Ottoman Flag,' or as a part of the British Empire. Art. 7.-BRITISH TRADE AND MANUFACTURES. 1. Diplomatic and Consular Reports. Edited at the Foreign Office and Board of Trade. Wyman, 1916. 2. Psychology and Industrial Efficiency. By Hugo Münsterberg. Constable, 1913. 3. Industrial Training; with special reference to conditions in London. By N. B. Dearle. King & Son, 1914. 4. Commercial Theory and Practice. By W. Abbott. Murray, 1915. AT the present time every effort is being made to develop the productive power of this country, not only on account of the war material needed by our navy and army, but also with a view to increasing our exports, which to a large extent constitute the payment made by us to foreign nations for munitions, food, and other necessities. After the war is over, these efforts must be continued and even augmented if we are to keep up our position as a manufacturing and exporting nation. The maintenance of our productive power is therefore of vital consequence, whether in war or peace; and it behoves us to consider how this can be done in spite of the enormous number of men employed directly or indirectly upon war service, and the eventual shortage of hundreds of thousands of industrial workers who will have been killed, or disabled from returning to work. For the first year or two after peace is declared, the 'entente' nations and their colonies will probably refuse to buy goods of German origin. The natural feeling of resentment is likely, however, to die down more quickly than many people imagine, particularly where the individual's pocket is concerned; and German goods can only be excluded in the long run by high tariffs or by less costly and more attractive products. There is not the slightest doubt that, when war broke out, we had fallen behind Germany in efficiency of manufacture in certain lines, many of our goods being dearer and not so well suited to the uses for which they were designed. In order to achieve success in future we must produce better and cheaper goods than the Germans. As regards output, British workmen and workwomen are as good as any in the world, but there will be a sad reduction in the number of men available; hence, unless the remainder are more effectively employed, together with a much larger proportion of women than heretofore, we shall not be able to maintain our position. Germany will also be suffering from a dearth of men to an even greater extent than is likely to be the case with us, but she will strive hard to surpass us by employing more women and by using all her great powers of education and organisation to increase her industrial efficiency. We must also remember that the United States is making and will make a strong bid for the trade Germany has lost during the war, and that, while her factories have been to a certain extent converted for the purpose of supplying the belligerents with war materials, her industrial army has remained intact. Industrial operations in every country consist of production, transport, and marketing, whether the goods are for home consumption or for export. The raising of coal and the growing of crops and live-stock must of course be included under this head. As regards production, the goods produced must be at least equally attractive in quality and price with those offered by other countries, otherwise they cannot be sold. These features imply equal industrial efficiency with nations whose workers are paid similar wages for an equal output, and in which similar natural advantages exist in the form of minerals and favourable climatic conditions. Transport is dependent upon productive efficiency, both as regards the means employed, such as railways and ships, and the wages paid to labour for given results, while natural advantages again affect the cost. Although we may produce attractive goods and transport them efficiently, they will not compete successfully with the products of other nations unless our methods of selling them are equally effective. Now, German goods were extensively sold in this country before the war, while in foreign markets German trade, although not so large as our own, was extending more rapidly. Moreover, as regards production and transport, the advantages of one side over the other, if any, were with the British manufacturer. The competition existing between America and this country also showed similar features in spite of the high wages paid |