The same kind of inconsistencies are being pursued to-day. In some instances, members of the party, like Haywood, are permitted to preach the most revolutionary doctrines, and are elevated to places of distinction as a reward for their efforts in behalf of the party. In other cases, men who are no more radical are forced out of the party because an ultra-conservative element happens to be in the majority. To-day, Victor Berger is the little-tingod of Socialism, and Socialists in all parts of the country hail the Milwaukee triumph as "OUR" victory, when if the truth be told, Socialists in general formerly frowned upon Berger and his methods, and tried to embarrass him in every possible way during his campaign.

The attitude of party members toward reformers who are Socialists in everything but the fact that they do not pay dues to the party is most interesting, but far more amusing is the change of front that occurs the moment the reformer agrees to contribute his wenty-five cents a month toward the Տն. ort of the organization.

efore Stokes Joined.

No name Phelps Stokes be..

as

too harsh for J. G.

he became a member of the party. Soc.sts al ist organs called him a "milk and water reformer," said that he "was born with a golden spoon," and did not, or could not, know what the class struggle meant. When he took out a red card, he was all right. For, be it known, to be a Social1st, in the eyes of the party managers, one must hold a red card. The knowledge of Socialism, while a desirable. qualification, is not a necessary one. If.

such knowledge were necessary, the party would be compelled to expel ninetenths of its members.

Socialists can scarcely deny that there are more Socialists outside the party than there are within the ranks of the regulars. They do not realize how damaging an admission this is. Why are the mass of socialistic sympathizers outside the party? Certainly, it is not the moderate sum charged as dues that keeps them out. The actual fact is that people join the party in the expectation of finding themselves surrounded by exceptional men and women -lovers of humanity, practical examples of the spirit of brotherhood—and then soon awake to the disillusioning truth that their idol has feet of clay.

The manner in which this operates is shown by the following example: In Essex County, New Jersey, no less than 3,000 persons have joined the Socialist party during the past ten years, but the membership of the party in that county today is scarcely more than three hundred, and this is true, to a greater or less extent, everywhere. Why is this so? Simply because people soon learn that the Socialist party is not a party of reform, though it may profess persistently to be so. Instead, it opposes all real reform. Its papers have called the pure food agitation, for instance, a sham, to a plot on the part of the Interests ind the people to the real issue.

a..

not municipal lighting and power plants, not shorter hours, not laws governing factory inspection and child labor. No, all these issues may be adopted temporarily and for effect-as diplomatic tactics-but back of it all is the real issue, the Revolution that is to pave the way to the Co-operative Commonwealth.

Point this out to the Socialists and they will tell you that, in reality, they do not want votes-that their campaign is one of education, their one desire being to teach the working class to become class conscious. If this is so, why the celebrated "red special" during the campaign of 1908? Was the "red special" part of the campaign of education or a bid for votes?

They will tell you that a compromise with another party would be a sign of weakness. Was it a show of strength for their candidate to run 90 per cent. behind their own ticket when pitted against Brand Whitlock? Was the fusion in St. Louis and Schenectady

anything more or less than a compromise?

The real issue, as I have said, is the Co-operative Comonwealth, and for the sake of this mirage the Socialist Party turns its back upon all movements for cleaner politics and all reforms that would tend to give the average man a better opportunity to make the most out of life. The fact that their present efforts are doomed to prove futile, makes no difference to them. Though they may know that the ointment with which to salve the wounds of society is within reach, they will have nothing to do with it unless it bears the red label. If such a remedy be wanting, they stand aside and permit the sore to run to any length rather than apply a soothing lotion that a mere reformer might suggest.

That is why I am no longer a member of the Socialist Party, and there are plenty of men and women who are in the same boat.

The

(Notice, among other things, that the gas burners have a wire guard to protect goods from fire-and so far, so good-but with no shades to save the eyes from the blinding glare)

OCIOLOGY, a comparatively new

S science, is coming to the of medi

cine, which is one of the oldest. The province of the latter-to combat disease -has partaken too much of the nature of a single-handed fight; now that sociology, in its application to medicine, has stepped into the arena, the war against disease is to be a battle royal, with every inch hotly contested. The prevention of disease by studying the conditions that cause it and endeavoring to point out the way to avoid them or ameliorate them, is one of the greatest and most hopeful missions of sociology.

Medicine's Serious Handicap.

A very serious handicap has been the lack of sufficient data. A general studA general studies the strategical position of his enemy before drawing up his line of battle; and now, in the world-long contest against disease, a new facility for "scouting" has been made available. Lack of funds has hampered the noble work done by boards of health and many other bodies, as well as by the multitude of individual workers; but, by a recent generous gift of Mrs. E. H. Harriman, the New York Academy of Medicine has found it possible to push investigation a little deeper into certain problems presented by that old enemy of the human race, disease.

The gift was made to the Academy's Public Health, Hospital and Municipal

Budget Committee, formed last spring for the purpose of gathering facts relating to public health, sanitation and hygiene. Whatever conclusions are reached will thus have behind them not only the authority of the members of the committee, all men of the highest standing in their profession, but of the New York Academy of Medicine as well. The studies have been on the broadest lines and in accord, not with preconceived ideas, but upon sound, scientific, fundamental principles.

Limitless Fields of Research.

During the several conversations that I have had with Dr. Lewinski-Corwin, the executive secretary of the committee having this work in charge, he carefully described a few of the many fields of research which the committee finds opening before it. And the fields stretch on and on to the horizon, where other fields of investigation, quite as broad, are evidently awaiting patient and painstaking review.

Dr. Lewinski-Corwin was anxious to

explain that the work must not be understood as taking the place of that of other bodies, especially the very efficient New York Board of Health. The new committee is in most cordial co-operation with this Board as well as all other health activities in the city, and is also endeavoring to keep the medical profession and the public advised of all results arrived