humanity have nothing to do with this question. Interest alone is the governing principle with nations.” He hinted that New England would find the slave trade for her interest, as the negroes would be imported in her vessels. At any rate the South would form a Union on no other terms. Ellsworth wound up the debate with," Let every State import what it pleases. The morality or wisdom of slavery are considerations belonging to the States themselves." So at the very outset South Carolina and New England were of affiliated temper; destined always after to be most cordial friends, or most bitter foes.

The Constitution as finally adopted by the Convention was not held by any one to be ideally perfect; but probably the best that could be secured. Washington, standing with pen in hand to sign it, said: "Should the States reject this excellent Constitution, the probability is that opportunity will never be offered to cancel another in peace; the next will be drawn in blood." The only parties that entered into the compact of 1788 were the people organized as States. As "free and independent" they had created the Confederacy, and won united independence; they now yielded none of this independence in forming "a more perfect Union,” except that which was specifically written down in the bond. The Constitution carefully enumerated what the States granted to a central government.

In this new and more perfect Union, the people were directly as well as indirectly represented. They elected the executive, and one branch of the legislative department; while the Senate still stood for the Commonwealth of States. The judicial department, quite apart from popular election, was to be the creation of the President and the Senate; while the judges thus con

stituted were out of reach of the people; except by means of impeachment, brought about by co-operation of both Senate and House of Representatives. The construction of this department of government, especially the tenure for life, showed a lingering timidity on the part of the Convention to cut loose entirely from aristocratic methods, and trust absolutely to the common-sense and self-restraint of the people. Jefferson was strenuously opposed to the appointment of judges beyond a limited term. As late as 1822, he was still of the same opinion. He wrote: "We have erred in this point, by copying England, where certainly it is a good thing to have the judges independent of the king. That there should be public functionaries independent of the nation, whatever may be their demerit, is a solecism in a republic."

When the Constitution was finally offered for adoption, it was accepted in nearly all cases with qualifications or recommendations of amendments. There were not a few who doubted the policy of endeavoring to form a complete Union of colonies that had such diverse social customs, religious opinions, and commercial interests. It was not believed possible that any system of frictionless co-operation could be devised. Others preferred at once to arrange for three groups of States : the Northern, consisting of New England, with New York, and possibly New Jersey; the Central, consisting of Pennsylvania, with Delaware and Maryland; and the Southern, which should include from Virginia to Georgia. At least, said a large party, let us not undertake too much. What has New England in harmony with Georgia or even Virginia? Our corn and our agriculture as well as our simplest social conditions are wholly unlike. The North and the South can

never work in harness. John Adams noted that not only the common people, but the gentlemen of the South differed sharply from those of the North. "I dread," he added, "the consequences of this dissimilitude. Without the utmost caution and forbearance it will prove fatal." Jefferson, after the Louisiana purchase, doubted whether all that could be hoped for was not to create a solidarity in government so far as to include the Atlantic States.

State rights and sectional sentiment were peculiarly strong in New England. It was a people of intense convictions. The anti-federal sentiment was overwhelming. The Confederate government had been held to be something of a foreign sort. To overcome this feeling and create a Union spirit was not easy. The Shays Rebellion undoubtedly did much to create a fear that the existing government was too frail. But there was by no means unanimity of sentiment when it was proposed that delegates be sent to a Constitutional Convention. Let us go back to a monarchy, said some ; "Monarchy and order." The long-continued clerical control of New England had fostered a faith in government by classes. "The people" were not trusted.

There really was much excuse for those who protested against a single republic; for it was a month's tour to get from New Orleans to Boston. Steam had not yet come to bind the sections together. Each locality developing alone, without close association with others, evolved such individual habits and customs as did not adjust themselves easily to neighbors. But King and Gerry soon were converted in Massachusetts, and brought over that State. The federalists did mighty work in New York, and won the State from

apparently hopeless antagonism to favor the new Union. New Jersey accepted the Constitution unanimously, chiefly as a safeguard against her neighbor's unjust taxes. But New York voted ratification on the declared premise that "the powers of government may be reassumed by the people whensoever it shall become necessary to their happiness." Other States used similar language. It was clearly understood that those who put the government together could take it down again. Rhode Island held off until 1790, owing to her peculiarly strong sense of individual freedom. It alone of the States was born of absolute toleration. It feared alliances, and had good reason for hesitation and timidity concerning new measures.

The Constitution had to combat local jealousies in every direction. In the Convention, Pennsylvania had refused to be on an equality with little New Jersey. Bedford, of Delaware, had declared that that State would form a foreign alliance rather than enter a Union in which it should be at a disadvantage with larger States. In 1782, Pennsylvania had threatened to break out of the Confederacy and use its taxes for its individual ends. Rhode Island was continually threatening to start off alone. Monroe argued that force might be used to prevent Pennsylvania from seceding. Jefferson wrote in 1786: “I fear that the people of Kentucky think of separating, not only from Virginia, but also from the Confederacy. I should think this a most calamitous event. Our Confederacy must be viewed as the nest from which all America is to be peopled.” There was, without doubt, a strong sentiment in the Southwest in favor of a separate nationality.

Laboulaye, in his Moral and Political Studies, says, "The new-born Republic just missed dying in its

cradle." It became at the very outset clear that there was a North and a South; and it was apparent that the admission of new States must as far as possible be alternately made in each section, so as to leave a supposed balance of power undisturbed. It was not unfortunate that the question of government, based on sympathy either with English or with French antecedents, developed rapidly two parties, the Federal and the Anti-federal, the centralizing and the distributive. Factionalism counterbalanced, and in some degree neutralized, sectionalism. In 1788, while the people were waiting for what was called the new government, Kentucky was once more threatening. Congress had deferred the recognition of this western territory as an independent State until the Constitution could be set in operation. Their delegate went back disgusted and angry, believing they would immediately separate from the Union." Hamilton, when urging his Funding and Assumption Bills, professed to be convinced that those measures were necessary to prevent the creditor States from seceding from the debtor States."

Hamilton had laid before the Constitutional Convention eleven propositions which he would make the basis of the new government. These were so monarchical in tone that he received no support whatever. As a consequence, he left the Convention, and remained away from its deliberations. Referring afterward to the accepted Constitution, he said: "No man's ideas are more remote from the plan than my own are known to be; but is it possible to deliberate between anarchy and convulsion on the one side, and the chance of good from this plan on the other side?" Jay had declined to sign the Declaration of Independence, and had always remained a very conservative democrat.