at the voluntary option of the public creditor, issued in lieu of the revenue and its certificates of deposite, will be maintained at an equality with gold and silver everywhere. They are redeemable in gold and silver on demand, at the places of issue. They are receivable everywhere in payment of government dues. The treasury-notes are limited to an amount of one fourth less than the estimated annual receipts of the treasury; and in addition, they rest upon the faith of the government for their redemption. If all these assurances are not sufficient to make them available, then the idea, as it seems to me, of furnishing a sound paper medium of exchanges, may be entirely abandoned.

If a fear be indulged that the government may be tempted to run into excess in its issues at any future day, it seems to me that no such apprehension can reasonably be entertained, until all confidence in the representatives of the states and of the people, as well as of the people themselves, shall be lost. The weightiest considerations of policy require that the restraints now proposed to be thrown around the measure should not for light causes be removed. To argue against any proposed plan its liability to possible abuses, is to reject every expedient, since everything dependent on human action is liable to abuse. Fifteen millions of treasurynotes may be issued as the maximum, but a discretionary power is to be given to the board of control, under that sum, and every consideration will unite in leading them to feel their way with caution. For the first eight years of the existence of the late bank of the United States, its circulation barely exceeded four millions of dollars; and, for five of its most prosperous years, it was about equal to sixteen millions of dollars: furthermore, the authority given to receive private deposites to a limited amount, and to issue certificates in such sums as may be called for by the depositors, may so far fill up the channels of circulation as greatly to diminish the necessity of any considerable issue of treasury-notes.

A restraint upon the amount of private deposites has seemed to be indispensably necessary, from an apprehension, thought to be well-founded, that in any emergency of trade, confidence might be so far shaken in the banks as to induce a withdrawal from them of private deposites, with a view to insure their unquestionable safety when deposited with the government, which might prove eminently disastrous to the state banks. Is it objected that it is proposed to authorize the agencies to deal in bills of exchange? It is answered, that such dealings are to be carried on at the lowest possible premium-are made to rest on an unquestionably sound basis-are designed to reimburse merely the expenses which would otherwise devolve upon the treasury, and are in strict subordination to the decision of the supreme court, in the case of the bank of Augusta against Earle, and other reported cases; and thereby avoids all conflict with state jurisdiction, which I hold to be indispensably requisite. It leaves the banking privileges of the states without interference-looks to the treasury and the Union-and, while furnishing every facility to the first, is careful of the interest of the last. But, above all, it is created by law, is amendable by law, and is repealable by law; and wedded as I am to no theory, but looking solely to the advancement of the public good, I shall be among the very first to urge its repeal, if it be found not to subserve the purposes and objects for which it may be created. Nor will the plan be submitted in any overweening confidence in the sufficiency of my own judgment, but with much greater reliance on the wisdom and patriotism of Congress. I can not abandon this subject without urging upon you, in the most em

phatic manner, whatever may be your action on the suggestions which I have felt it to be my duty to submit, to relieve the chief executive magistrate, by any and all constitutional means, from a controlling power over the public treasury. If, in the plan proposed, should you deem it worthy of your consideration, that separation is not as complete as you may desire, you will doubtless amend it in that particular. For myself, I disclaim all desire to have any control over the public moneys other than what is indispensably necessary to execute the laws which you may pass.

Nor can I fail to advert, in this connexion, to the debts which many of the states of the Union have contracted abroad, and under which they continue to labor. That indebtedness amounts to a sum not less than two hundred millions of dollars, and which has been retributed to them, for the most part, in works of internal improvement, which are destined to prove of vast importance in ultimately advancing their prosperity and wealth. For the debts thus contracted the states are alone responsible. I can do no more than express the belief that each state will feel itself bound, by every consideration of honor as well as of interest, to meet its engagements with punctuality. The failure, however, of any one state to do so should in no degree affect the credit of the rest; and the foreign capitalist will have no just cause to experience alarm as to all other state stocks, because any one or more of the states may neglect to provide with punctuality the means of redeeming their engagements. Even such states, should there be any, considering the great rapidity with which their resources are developing themselves, will not fail to have the means, at no very distant day, to redeem their obligations to the uttermost farthing; nor will I doubt but that, in view of that honorable conduct which has evermore governed the states and the people of this Union, they will each and all resort to every legitimate expedient, before they will forego a faithful compliance with their obligations.

From the report of the secretary of war, and other reports accompanying it, you will be informed of the progress which has been made in the fortifications designed for the protection of our principal cities, roadsteads, and inland frontier, during the present year, together with their true state and condition. They will be prosecuted to completion with all the expedition which the means placed by Congress at the disposal of the executive will allow.

I recommend particularly to your consideration that portion of the secretary's report which proposes the establishment of a chain of military posts from Council Bluffs to some point on the Pacific ocean within our limits. The benefits thereby destined to accrue to our citizens engaged in the fur-trade over that wilderness region, added to the importance of cultivating friendly relations with savage tribes inhabiting it, and, at the same time, of giving protection to our frontier settlements, and of establishing the means of safe intercourse between the American settlements at the mouth of the Columbia river and those on this side of the Rocky mountains, would seem to suggest the importance of carrying into effect the recommendations upon this head with as little delay as may be practi

cable.

The report of the secretary of the navy will place you in possession of the present condition of that important arm of the national defence. Every effort will be made to add to its efficiency; and I can not too strongly urge upon you liberal appropriations to that branch of the public service. Inducements of the weightiest character exist for the adoption of this course

of policy. Our extended and otherwise exposed maritime frontier calls for protection, to the furnishing of which an efficient naval force is indispensable. We look to no foreign conquests, nor do we propose to enter into competition with any other nation for supremacy on the ocean; but it is due, not only to the honor, but to the security of the people of the United States, that no nation should be permitted to invade our waters at pleasure, and subject our towns and villages to conflagration or pillage. Economy in all branches of the public service is due from all the public agents to the people; but parsimony alone would suggest the withholding of the necessary means for the protection of our domestic firesides from invasion, and our national honor from disgrace. I would most earnestly recommend to Congress to abstain from all appropriations for objects not absolutely necessary; but I take upon myself, without a moment of hesitancy, all the responsibility of recommending the increase and prompt equipment of that gallant navy which has lighted up every sea with its victories, and spread an imperishable glory over the country.

The report of the postmaster-general will claim your particular attention, not only because of the valuable suggestions which it contains, but because of the great importance which at all times attaches to that interesting branch of the public service. The increased expense of transporting the mail along the principal routes necessarily claims the public attention, and has awakened a corresponding solicitude on the part of the government. The transmission of the mail must keep pace with those facilities of intercommunication which are every day becoming greater through the building of railroads and the application of steam-power: but it can not be disguised that, in order to do so, the postoffice department is subjected to heavy exactions. The lines of communication between distant parts of the Union are, to a great extent, occupied by railroads, which, in the nature of things, possess a complete monopoly, and the department is therefore liable to heavy and unreasonable charges. This evil is destined to great increase in future, and some timely measure may become necessary to guard against it.

I feel it my duty to bring under your consideration a practice which has grown up in the administration of the government, and which, I am deeply convinced, ought to be corrected. I allude to the exercise of the power which usage, rather than reason, has vested in the president of removing incumbents from office, in order to substitute others more in favor with the dominant party. My own conduct in this respect has been governed by a conscientious purpose to exercise the removing power only in cases of unfaithfulness or inability, or in those in which its exercise appeared necessary, in order to discountenance and suppress that spirit of active partisanship on the part of holders of office which not only withdraws them from the steady and impartial discharge of their official duties, but exerts an undue and injurious influence over elections, and degrades the character of the government itself, inasmuch as it exhibits the chief magistrate as being a party, through his agents, in the secret plots or open workings of political parties.

In respect to the exercise of this power, nothing should be left to discretion which may safely be regulated by law; and it is of high importance to restrain, as far as possible, the stimulus of personal interests in public elections. Considering the great increase which has been made in public officers in the last quarter of a century, and the probability of further increase, we incur the hazard of witnessing violent political con

tests, directed too often to the single object of retaining office by those who are in, or obtaining it by those who are out. Under the influence of these convictions, I shall cordially concur in any constitutional measures for regulating, and, by regulating, restraining the power of removal.

I suggest for your consideration the propriety of making, without further delay, some specific application of the funds derived under the will of Mr. Smithson, of England, for the diffusion of knowledge, and which have heretofore been vested in public stocks until such time as Congress should think proper to give them a specific direction. Nor will you, I feel confident, permit any abatement of the principal of the legacy to be made, should it turn out that the stocks in which the investments have been made have undergone a depreciation.

In conclusion, I commend to your care the interests of this district, for which you are the exclusive legislators. Considering that this city is the residence of the government, and, for a large part of the year, of Congress, and considering, also, the great cost of the public buildings, and the propriety of affording them at all times careful protection, it seems not unreasonable that Congress should contribute toward the expense of an efficient police.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

FEBRUARY 9, 1842.

To the House of Representatives of the United States:

IN answer to a resolution of the house of representatives, of the 7th of February, 1842, in the following words: "Resolved, That the president of the United States inform this house under what authority the commission, consisting of George Poindexter, and others, for the investigation of the concerns of the New York customhouse, was raised; what were the purposes and objects of said commission; how many persons have, in any way, been connected with it, and the compensation received or to be received by each; and the aggregate amount of every description of said commission; and out of what fund the said expenditures have been or are to be paid:" I have to state, that the authority for instituting the commission mentioned in said resolution, is the authority vested in the president of the United States, to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and to give to Congress, from time to time, information on the state of the Union, and to recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.

The expediency, if not necessity, of inquiries into the transactions of our customhouses, especially where abuses and malpractices are alleged, must be obvious to Congress; and that investigations of this kind were expected to be made, appears from the provision of the twenty-first section of the act of 1799, which enjoins collectors of the customs to submit their books, papers, and accounts, to the inspection of such persons as shall be appointed for that purpose.

The purposes and objects of the mission will be explained by the mission itself; a copy of which, together with information on other subjects mentioned in the resolution, will, at the proper time, be laid before Congress.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

FEBRUARY 16, 1842.

To the House of Representatives of the United States:

I TRANSMIT, herewith, a communication addressed to me by the secretary of war, in relation to certain contracts entered into by a board of medical officers, appointed for that purpose, for the purchase of sites on the western waters, for the erection of marine hospitals; and, concurring fully in his views of the subject, I recommend that either an appropriation of forty-four thousand seven hundred and twenty-one dollars be made, for the purpose of satisfying the claims of the individuals with whom the contracts were made, or that the department of war be authorized to reconvey to them their lands, and annul the contracts.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

FEBRUARY 26, 1842.

To the House of Representatives of the United States :

THE resolution of the house of representatives of the 21st instant, requesting the president of the United States to communicate to that body, "if not incompatible with the public interest, the state of the negotiation between the United States and the government of Great Britain, in relation to the northeastern boundary of the state of Maine, and also, all correspondence on that subject between the two governments, not hitherto communicated,” has been transmitted to me. Desirous always to lay before Congress and the public everything affecting the state of the country, to the fullest extent consistent with propriety and prudence, I have to inform the house of representatives that, in my judgment, no communication could be made by me at this time, on the subject of its resolution, without detriment or danger to the public interests.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

MARCH 8, 1842.

To the House of Representatives of the United States:

I FEEL it to be my duty to invite your attention to the accompanying communication from the secretary of the treasury, in relation to the probable demands which will be made upon the treasury for the present quarter. It will be seen that, without arresting the requisitions which will be made by the war and navy departments for the months of March, April, and May, there will be an unprovided-for deficit of upward of three millions.

I can not bring myself, however, to believe that it will enter into the view of any department of the government to arrest works of defence now in progress of completion, or vessels under construction or prepa