66 he penned the letter of cant about administering justice, rather than join in a procession to honour the accession of a prince whom in a private petition he covered over thick and threefold with the slime of his flattery, he called it himself a manœuvre." When he delivered a rant about liberty before the reverend judges of the land-the speaking law of the land he knew full well that he was not delighting those he addressed, but the mob out of doors, on whose ears the trash was to be echoed back. When he spoke a speech in Parliament of which no one heard a word, and said aside to a friend who urged the fruitlessness of the attempt at making the House listen-"Speak it I must, for it has been printed in the newspapers this halfhour"-he confessed that he was acting a false part in one place to compass a real object in another ;- -as thoroughly as ever minister did when he affected by smiles to be well in his prince's good graces before the multitude, all the while knowing that he was receiving a royal rebuke. When he and one confederate in the private room of a tavern issued a declaration, beginning, "We, the people of England," and signed "by order of the meeting," -he practised as gross a fraud upon that people as ever peer or parasite did, while affecting to pine for the prince's smiles, and to be devoted to his pleasure, in all the life they led consecrated to the furtherance of their own. It is no object of mine to exalt courtly arts, or undervalue popular courses; no wish have I to over-estimate the claims of aristocracy at the cost of lowering the people. Both departments of our mixed social structure demand equally our regard; but let the claims of both be put on their proper footing. We may say, and very sincerely say, with Cicero-" Omnes boni semper nobilitati favemus, et quia utile est reipublicæ nobiles homines esse dignos majoribus suis; et quia valet, apud nos, clarorum hominum et bene de republica meritorum memoria, etiam mortuorum."* (Pro Sext.) These are the uses and these the merits of the aristocratic branch of our system; while the mean arts of the courtier only degrade the patrician character. But mean as they are, their vileness does not exceed that of the like arts practised towards the multitude; nor is the Sovereign Prince whose ear the flatterers essay to tickle that they may deceive him for their own purposes, more entirely injured by the deception which withholds the truth, than the Sovereign People is betrayed and undone by those who, for their own vile ends, pass their lives in suppressing wholesome truth and propagating popular delusion. * All good men ever favour nobility, both because it is for the common weal that nobles should be worthy of their ancestors, and because we cherish the memory even after their death of great men who have deserved well of the country. APPENDIX. TRANSLATIONS. There is a republic-there are no republicans. Ibid. We accomplished the 10th of August without you, and we are going to make the Republic in spite of you. Page 31. It is necessary to fright the Royalists! Terrify them! Ibid. To conquer, what is wanting? Audacity! still audacity! always audacity!—and France is saved. Page 50. And who has been telling you that a single innocent person has perished? Page 53. We must make an end of this. You see plainly enough that he conspires deafly. Page 77. In the first place, he had a perfect command of words. Pages 77, 78. President, I beg you would tell M. Dupont not to insult me if he would remain near me. Page 78. I do not believe that there exists in this Assembly a man base enough to bargain with the Court upon an article of our constitutional code-perfidious enough to propose making through the Court new changes which shame will not suffer themselves to propound-enemy enough to the country to attempt discrediting the constitution because it restrains their ambition or their avarice -impudent enough to avow in the nation's eyes that they have not sought in the Revolution_the_means of their own elevation and aggrandizement; for I will not regard certain writings and certain speeches, that might bear this construction, as anything but the passing explosion of spite already expiated by repentance. No! at least we shall not be so stupid nor so indifferent as to let ourselves be made the eternal sport of intrigue, in order to overthrow, one after another, all the parts of our work at the pleasure of a few ambitious men. Page 78. I demand that every one of you swear that he never will consent to make a compromise with the executive power upon any article of the constitution, on pain of being declared a traitor to the nation. Page 79. "No! we must purge the army! we must"Conclude, then." "Yes! I am about to conclude—and against you! against you, who, after the Revolution of the 10th of August, would fain have sent to the scaffold its authors -against you who have never ceased to plot the destruction of Paris-against you who would have saved the tyrant against you who have conspired with Dumouriez against you who have pursued with bitterness the same patriots whose heads Dumouriez demanded— against you whose criminal vengeance has provoked the same cries of indignation which you make a charge upon your victims! Well then, my conclusion is a decree of accusation against all Dumouriez's accomplices, and against all those denounced by the petitioners." Page 81. No! we have not been too severe! I call to witness (or, Bear witness) the Republic, which still breathes! I call to witness (or, Bear witness) the national represen VOL. V. M tation surrounded with the respect due to the representatives of a great people. They speak of our vigour, and the country reproaches us with weakness. Page 86. It was a cause decided, but not tried. Ibid. Once more, President of Assassins, wilt thou hear me? Page 98. My name is Danton; my residence will soon be in annihilation; my name will live in the Pantheon of History. Ibid. Oh my well-beloved! must I quit thee?-Danton! no weakness! Lead on! Page 110. The companion of peace, the ally of ease, eloquence is the child of a government already well settled. Page 113. Hold your peace, killer of oxen ! Ibid. Why, I have killed some that had more sense than thou. Decree that he be put Ibid. Decree that I am an ox, and thou mayest butcher me thyself. Page 143. In short, I am no longer able to speak, nor-nor to hold my tongue. END OF VOL. V. LONDON: WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET. |