T

HE author of the following pages does not intend-even in these days when war is raging everywhere to wage war against anybody. Being a Frenchman, he cherishes for France the feeling of a true citizen and earnest patriot. But as he lived for many years far from his country's frontiers, associating with men of "every language and tribe," he knows that no land has a monopoly of what is good and right, and he trusts that his mind is liberal enough to render what is due to each.

We may love our native country without hating that of other people. It is in such a disposition of mind that I purpose, in a few pages, very sincere if not altogether complete, to remind those who are ready to forget it of the part France has played in the world as a Catholic nation.

In the formidable conflict which has threatened for a long time, and has now broken out under the pretense of an incident seized upon as a favorable opportunity, the Catholics of several neutral nations have taken their stand; and it appears that many of them, influenced by an active, methodical, skillful, and singularly bold propaganda, manifest in regard to France feelings which prove that their knowledge of our country is not accurate.

Alas! the chief reason of their attitude is not hard to discover; the anti-religious policy adopted by the Government these last years has brought us into discredit before the whole world!

And after the disastrous surprise of 1870, after the unfortunate treaty of Frankfort and its consequences, this has been a new victory won by Bismarck, more humiliating for us than the others, because it has been accepted by part of

the nation and by those who govern it. Having experienced that religious strife in a country is an inexhaustible source of dissensions and weakness, Bismarck conceived the infernal idea, when he had put an end to the Kulturkampf in Germany, to pass it over to France. He succeeded only too well.

And it is after inoculating us with this virus which has poisoned and disfigured us that Germany points us out to the Catholics of Italy, Spain, and other places, saying: "Look at these atheists, these degenerate men! What good can be expected from them by the Holy Church? As to ourselves, it is another thing! * * * Gott mit uns!" In a similar way, "the modern Babylon"-so Paris is called-is represented as the sink of all vices. The truth is that this very Babylon is chiefly known and frequented as such by foreign clients to whom she has been guilty of giving too willing a welcome in the past. But what a difference between this legendary Paris and the real one!

This unpleasant reputation is kept up by the foreign press with a wonderful persistency and uniformity.

When reading the German, English, Italian, and Spanish papers one cannot help being surprised at the tone of the correspondence sent over from Paris; nothing is mentioned but stories of the theatres, fashions, scandals, trifling news, entertainments, futilities, small incidents ridiculously exaggerated or generalized; social, political, financial, literary, artistic scandals; all that may serve to take away from us esteem and consideration by picturing us as a people falling into decay. Of the rest, no mention is made. The only excuse for those reporters is that their own morality does not allow them to rise above this level.

For a long time the German press has shown itself particularly brilliant in this way of relating history! On the whole, the Kulturkampf has met with better success than is generally believed. Its aim was to nationalize German Catholicism by enticing it away from Rome and turning it into a docile instrument for the use of the Emperor and the empire. The means were unsuccessful; but in some measure the result was obtained. Let the German Catholics be patriots; it is their right and duty; no one could think of blaming them for it. But what may cause some surprise is that they should have so easily consented for their own part to throw themselves into that sort of delirium germanicum which appears to have taken hold of the whole nation. In their eyes France, " that poor France," is an atheistic country utterly lost, out of which Christian life has almost entirely gone, and to which Germany so religious, so well organized, so strong ought to be substituted by means of a vigorous and methodical propaganda, at the same time national and Catholic. In other words, German Catholicism walks hand in hand with German imperialism. It has also its Weltpolitik!

Well, no! France does not deserve the reputation which is given her.

Certainly she does not deny her faults, sins, weaknesses, divisions, aberrations, for hypocrisy, at least, is not in her nature! But who will dare throw the first stone at her in Europe or out of Europe? * * *

We will not insist further!

Just now she is going through a severe ordeal, the ordeal of war; our young men face it gallantly, and the German Army does not find them as degenerate as they had been represented to be.

As soon as the cannon's powerful voice was heard at the frontier "l'Union sa

crée" ("the sacred union ") was concluded; the official label our country bore in the eyes of the world was torn, and beneath an artificial France apparently in decay appeared another France, partly hidden before, but which represented the real country much better. All of a sudden the old race turned around and revealed to the surprised world what lay concealed in the depths of her children's baptized souls; generosity, disinterestedness, valor, kindness, joined to a cool and calm determination of which nobody suspected them of being capable. Joan of Arc must have recognized her kindred!

A tremendous billow has swept away the froth lying on the surface. The history of France is full of such strange rebounds. Many a time the nation has seemed lost; the next moment it sprang up as by a miracle, to begin a new period of life and greatness. Such were the terrible crises of the nineteenth century, the English invasion, the Hundred Years' War, the religious wars, the Revolution and its consequences, the results of which are still felt. So many religious crises, so many national crises; so many restorations of France, so many restorations of Catholicism. The present period, which has seen all the principles that society rests upon questioned, seems to have reached its term; another has already begun.

A reaction was preparing in the minds, visible then to an attentive observer; since the war it has become evident. Maurice Barrès has remarked that with us revolutionary chivalry is united to Christian chivalry.

The German oppression has riveted one to the other, after the forty years of humiliation which she had forced upon us. The miracle will not

cease.

T

HE distinction between national interests and national sympathies is always of vital importance in balancing the issues of peace and war. Yet the distinction is very commonly ignored. The attacks made on the President of the United States on account of his patience are largely due to the failure to grasp this distinction.

The President, on the other hand, owing partly to his lifelong academic training, has perhaps been inclined to emphasize the distinction oversharply. He has persistently refrained from expressing in an official form the national sympathies because he did not wish to prejudice the national interests. With regard to the belligerent countries he has assumed the attitude of the impartial spectator. His mind is full of political science, theoretical and applied. Of the theory and the history of political science Woodrow Wilson knows more than all the other rulers of the world put together, if their learning could be tested in the old Chinese examination boxes by the most searching of Celestial examiners. Wilson's best-known book, "The State, Elements of Historical and Practical Politics," is a standard university textbook in all English-speaking countries. For five and twenty years (1885-1910) he was engaged in academic work, being in succession first Professor of Political Economy, then of Jurisprudence and Political Science, and finally Principal of his old university. Against this academic life he has to set two years as Governor of New Jersey, (1911-13.)

Mr.

This life-long immersion in the academic treatment of politics considered as a preparation for the head of the greatest neutral State in the worldwide war was likely to be productive of one very

great merit and one very grave defect. The very great merit is infinite patience in looking at a case on all sides. Of Mr. Wilson's patience and impartiality as an examiner there can be no question. He himself is so reasonable and impartial that he wants to make all the people in the United States equally openminded and patient.

The people of the United States are a susceptible people, but no nation need take offense at being compared to Christian in "The Pilgrim's Progress." The best of nations wants to get rid of its burden, and to find in some way eternal glory. The horror of this war is oppressive. Surely a great nation can do something to put a stop to it. The nation wants to run like Christian to get rid of its burden. In his journey Christian came to the House of the Interpreter, where he was told he would be shown many excellent things. Here is one:

I saw moreover in my Dream, that the Interpreter took him by the hand, and had him into a little room; where sat two little children, each one in his Chair: The name of the eldest was Passion, and of the other Patience; Passion seemed to be much discontent, but Patience was very quiet. Then Christian asked, What is the reason of the discontent of Passion? The Interpreter answered, The Governour of them would have him stay for his best things till the beginning of next year; but he will have all now; but Patience is willing to wait.

This is the parable that the Interpreter of the White House tells his people in their progress to a better world: Patience not Passion must be their model.

But academic training is liable to beget not only the very great merit of patience, but the very grave demerit of indecision. The devastation of Belgium raised in the United States an outburst