Under the non-socialistic duties of the government are included those which if not assumed by the State would not be exercised at all. They

are duties not essential to the State's existence, and yet, from their very nature, not likely or even possible of performance by private parties. Such duties as these are therefore not socialistic, because their public assumption does not limit the field of private enterprise, nor in any way interfere with private management of any sort of industry. As a rule, they are powers educational in character rather than coercive, directive rather than controlling. Under this head come all those administrative duties that are of an investigating, statistical character, and consist not in the interference with industry, but in the study of conditions and the diffusion of the information thus obtained. Work of this kind is that performed by the United States Departments of Labor and of Agriculture, by the Bureau of Education, the Fish Commission, the Coast and Geodetic Survey, by the Decennial Censuses, etc. Public libraries and reading-rooms, boards of health, the provision of public parks, and certain branches of education also come under this head.

Likewise of this character is that large class of governmental duties, that we have before mentioned, the exercise of which results in the raising of the plane of competition, rather than destroying it. Thus, when we consider closely, we see to what a very great degree the increase of governmental activity during the present century has been in this non

socialistic field. Furthermore we discover that indications seem to point to this same field as the one to which the continued extension of the sphere of the State will probably be largely confined. The effect of the exercise of these duties is not to check or even to regulate competition. Their purpose is, not to interfere with the struggle for existence and the survival of the fittest, but to transform the environment, and, by diffusing sounder information concerning the character of the conditions and the nature of the forces by which man is surrounded, to render it possible for him either to harmonize his efforts with them, or to direct his strength and intellect to a modification of them. In fine, to increase his opportunities.

In the field of socialistic duties, the greatest extension of the State's powers will probably be seen in the ultimate ownership and operation by the State or municipalities of all those industries termed "natural monopolies " -the railroads, gas, water and electric light plants, street transit facilities, etc. Economists of the present school have generally advocated the public ownership of these "natural monopolies," and have laid stress upon the fact that, as they claim, socialistic precedents are not thereby established, basing this view upon the statement that it is only in this class of industries, which are not amenable to the healthy influence of competition, that there will ever arise the necessity for State management. This allegation served for a time as a fair argument, but the recent development of

or not.

gigantic trusts, which have largely removed from competitive influences the production of a very considerable number of commodities whose production is not "naturally" monopolistic, has greatly weakened this economic distinction. As has been before said, this phase of industrial development is as yet so new, that it is not yet determined whether their influence will be ultimately for the public good Should these capitalistic aggregates prosper and prove lucrative to their individual owners, but, from the extent of their power of controlling trade, tend to exert an influence detrimental to society at large, state intervention would become a necessity. Should simple legislative control be found insufficient for their regulation, the assumption of the production of these commodities by the State itself would seem to be necessary, and this would be a very long step towards socialism.

It is to be recognized, however, that together with these forces that tend to encourage and increase the activities of the State are others that will render less necessary a resort to this power. With increasing facilities for transportation and cheaper rates, and with the possible levelling of the artificial barriers to international trade now raised by excessive import duties, the maintenance of combinations of capital controlling the production, and, consequently, the price of commodities, will become increasingly difficult. More important than this, however, is the fact that the development of humanity is not along the social side alone. Together with the forces that

tend to increase the social side of man, are others tending to the development of his individuality.

With increasing civilization will come higher morality, broadened altruism, and widened intellectual horizon. These are the forces which may be depended upon for the correction of imperfect conditions as they arise, without the intervention of the State. The more enlightened a people become, morally and intellectually, the more inclined and more able will they be to depend upon their own individual and voluntary powers for the regulation of their own affairs, and the less likely they will be to tolerate a regime in which a broad field of freedom of individual action is not secured. Their intellectual advancement will enable them to discover the means, in very many cases, whereby to correct abuses, without calling in the assistance of the State, and increased morality will render possible the practical operation of these means.

CHAPTER XIII

GOVERNMENTS: THEIR CLASSIFICATION

As indicated in the opening chapter, the purpose of this work does not require us to consider in any detail the organization of the State. The character of political Sovereignty is no more bound up with the manner in which its power is exercised than is man's nature determined by the form of his physical frame. When, therefore, we consider the nature of the State, we do not need to be concerned with its form. We have to do with its ontology, not its morphology. At the same time, to such an extent are governmental terms used in all political treatises and discussions, that one of the main objects of this work, which is to render political phraseology more definite, would not be performed, did we not stop to examine the nomenclature ordinarily employed in distinguishing the various forms of political organizations.

To one who has pursued the arguments of the preceding pages it need not be said that there can be no such thing as a classification of States, as States. In essence they are all alike, -each and all being distinguished by the same sovereign attributes. Hence it follows that the only manner in which States may be differentiated is according to the