that peace was impossible while Huerta remained in authority. The American government would not be satisfied now with a compliance of Admiral Mayo's demands. The old Dictator must abdicate and give the friends of constitutional government a chance to restore peace and order. And on June 11, the peace conferees announced that they had agreed on the transfer of authority in Mexico and the establishment of a new government. Not until then did General Carranza, chief of the Constitutionalists, consent to send representatives to the Conference.

The Niagara Conference came to a close on July 1. It was agreed in a protocol that Huerta must not stand in the way of constitutional government, or, in other words, that he must abdicate. On the other hand, the United States was bound to recognize the provisional government to be set up in Mexico through the offices of the conference, to restore diplomatic relations with Mexico and to exact no indemnity whatever, but Mexico was to agree to take measures for the payment of all just claims for the destruction of the property of foreign residents. And the withdrawal of the American troops from Vera Cruz was left to a future agreement. Although the agreement among the mediators and the delegates had no legal force, as a treaty would have between well established governments, it did have a tremendous moral effect.

Meanwhile the Constitutionalists were very active. They were drawing their forces nearer and nearer to

the Capital. The attitude of the American Government to them made it easy for them to secure the supplies they needed.

The conference was adjourned, the Constitutionalists were more and more successful, and the nations were waiting for something to happen. There was much speculation as to what Huerta would do under the circumstances. On July 5, he was reelected president. But three days later he presented the protocol to the Mexican Congress and on the 15th he delivered his formal address to the two houses of the Mexican Congress and left his native country forever.

President Wilson's policy had at last succeeded, and it was now in great favor. The nations of the world were applauding. "The steady pressure of moral force" was breaking down the barriers of pride and prejudice, and it seemed that we were about to triumph as Mexico's friend.

CHAPTER XI

PRESIDENT WILSON'S RELATIONS WITH GENERAL CARRANZA

There was a sigh of relief in America when Huerta abdicated. But many people in this country believed that he was the only man with sufficient nerve and shrewdness to keep the Mexican bandits down. This was also the view of many foreigners then living in Mexico.

His abdication left the country really in the hands of the Constitutionalists. General Venustiano Carranza had been First Chief of the Constitutionalists since the death of Francisco Madero, and he at once became the central figure of Mexico. But there were two other Constitutionalists in Mexico whom General Carranza had to reckon with, General Francisco Villa and General Zapata. The Constitutionalists were by no means united and the character of both Villa and of Zapata was such that little hope was entertained of a peaceful settlement without further bloodshed.

There was a cessation of hostilities, however, and on August 20 General Carranza made his triumphal entry into Mexico City. It was a peaceful entry. The city

was prepared for his coming. Crowds came out to welcome him and flowers were strewn in his path. And as he marched into the city he was hailed as the liberator of the people. And for the second time constitutional government seemed to be ready to enter upon its rights and find an abiding place in the ancient capital of the Montezumas.

It was for this that the American government had been waiting rather impatiently. Then the American flag was lowered at Vera Cruz (September 15), and the American army was transported back to American soil. Thus ended our "little war" in Mexico, and it was believed for the time that President Wilson's "watchful waiting" policy would triumph in the end. However, the distracted country had not yet suffered enough. The pentecost of calamity was still incomplete.

On September 15 General Carranza expressed his intention to turn over the control of the Mexican government to a provisional President, to be selected by the Constitutionalists and to become a candidate for the presidency. The other leaders had no love for Carranza, nor he for them. He was characterized as a narrow, selfish man, somewhat of a patriot and an idealist, but possessing an individual greed for power and an intense hatred of all foreigners, including Americans. The other two leaders had a history of lawlessness and bandit warfare to their credit that made them objectionable to any civilized country.

When General Carranza's program was announced, Villa and Zapata made common cause, and on September 23 declared war against him. Thus the bitter struggle was resumed. Meanwhile, President Wilson fell back on his "watchful waiting" policy and showed a determination to let the warring factions fight out their differences without interference from this country.

Again there was a loud demand for intervention. Some wanted the President to recognize Carranza and throw the weight of this country on his side. Others insisted that Villa, whose daring exploits in the North were well known, was the real patriot and that he should be recognized and encouraged. But the President announced his purpose of keeping this country neutral in the new

war.

Mr. Samuel G. Blythe published in the Saturday Evening Post an authorized interview with President Wilson, in which he explained why he was determined not to interfere in the settlement of old abuses in Mexico.

"It is a curious thing," he said, "that every demand for the establishment of order in Mexico takes into consideration, not order for the benefit of the people of Mexico, the great mass of the population, but order for the benefit of the oldtime regimé, for the aristocrats, for the vested interests, for the men who are responsible for this