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all forms of protection. But Mr. Roosevelt's position was not so clear. He said, "We believe in a tariff for labor-a tariff to help our wage workers."

Were monopoly and trusts the result, in part, of our currency laws? The Republican platform declared that "our banking arrangements today need further revision to meet the requirement of current conditions." The Democratic party said that the nation should be freed "from control or dominion by what is known as the money trust. Banks exist for the accommodation of the public, and not for the control of business," and all legislation should provide "absolute security to the public and complete protection from the misuse of the power given to those who possess it." The Progressives declared that "the present method of issuing notes through private agencies is harmful and unscientific."

However, the complaint against our banking laws extended beyond the bounds of political parties. There was considerable difference of opinion among the bankers themselves. The American Bankers' Association in convention at Detroit declared "that this Association will cooperate with any and all people in devising a financial system for this country which will place us on a par with other great commercial and competing nations; a system which shall give to the American people of all classes and conditions the financial facilities and industrial advantages to which they are entitled."

Was there anything inherently wrong in the organization of business? All parties agreed that there was, and the indictments under the Sherman anti-trust law were convincing to the nation. Moreover, Big Business, being "scoured to nothing with perpetual motion," was asking for relief, for surcease from agitation and for a clear cut road to public favor. Who could give it; Mr. Roosevelt and the Progressives, Mr. Taft and the Republicans, or Mr. Wilson and the Democrats?

The eyes of the nation soon became fixed on two of the candidates-on Theodore Roosevelt, because of his spectacular fight against the Republican party; and on Woodrow Wilson, because of the extraordinary chain of events that had produced his nomination. The Democratic party, notwithstanding the great convention fight, was more united that it had been since 1896. People everywhere were talking about "Wilson luck." He was nominated in the face of machine politics and the money interests. Even Mr. Roosevelt had praised him highly, not suspecting for a moment he could be nominated. He appeared before the nation at a time when the Republican party was hopelessly divided. Even in the councils of his party, objectionable men withdrew and left the management in the hands of his friends, and opposition within the Democratic party seemed to fade away without a protest. Then came the news from Sea Girt, his summer home, that he would conduct his campaign for election without the

aid of the National Committeemen.

"Remarkable

man!" they said. And many non-Calvinists really hoped there was something in predestination.

The office of President has become much more complicated than it used to be; and, since it was a probability that Mr. Wilson would be elected if the split in the Republican party continued, men all over the world were wondering and asking one another what constructive qualities he possessed and what power of resistance he had. His "Essays on Government" were reread, his books of history became popular at once, his characterizations of American statesmen were appraised, and his political theories were growing in popularity. A new leader, indeed, had appeared.

CHAPTER II

AN UNTRIED LEADER IS CHOSEN

The campaign of 1912 was unique. Party control was weak and machine politics were mechanical and unnatural. The management of the campaign was in the hands of young men; the press bureau rose into prominence; and a direct appeal to the people took the place of the "inside room" conference.

On August 7 Governor Wilson was formally notified that he was the choice of the Democratic party for the presidency of the United States. He had remained silent since his nomination. But on this occasion party leaders signaled to him to come forth from his temporary retirement and speak to the nation. And he came forth, the man in action, to translate his political philosophy, seasoned with mature thought, into a new freedom for the American people.

It was a part of Mr. Wilson's temperament as well as his philosophy to hold steadfastly to a small body of clear cut doctrines, the central idea of which was the great issue already before the people-the doctrine that government should have nothing to do with special privilege. His speech of acceptance was received by the people as a fine product of a public

man of right convictions.

Its greatest significance, it

was said at the time of its utterance, lies in its appeal "for the emancipation of our public life from its domination by private interests and by a class of men who are in politics for their own personal benefit."

"We stand," he said, "in the presence of an awakened Nation, impatient of partisan makebelieve. The public man who does not realize the fact and feel its stimulation must be singularly unsusceptible to the influences that stir in every quarter about him. The Nation has awakened to a sense of neglected ideals and neglected duties; to a' consciousness that the rank and file of her people find life very hard to sustain, that her young men find opportunity embarrassed, and that her older men find business difficult to renew and maintain because of circumstances of privilege and private advantage which have interlaced their subtle threads throughout almost every part of the framework of our present law. She has awakened to the knowledge that she has lost certain cherished liberties and has wasted priceless resources which she had solemnly undertaken to hold in trust for posterity and for all mankind; and to the conviction that she stands confronted with an occasion for constructive statesmanship

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