leges. And this national spirit accorded also with his own thoughts and feelings, for altered circumstances due to unusual conditions in Europe, had compelled the American spirit to take this direction. Therefore, he entered into the campaign for adequate preparedness with all the zeal of a crusader.

When the new year (1916) opened, military preparedness was the paramount issue and it was demanding a hearing before all others. Mr. Wilson had only to sit and listen in order to hear the voice and to feel the heart vibrations. A large number of organizations were conducting campaigns all over the country to focus attention on national defense issues. Among these were the Grand Army of the Republic, Daughters of the American Revolution, Sons of the American Revolution, United Confederate Veterans, Daughters of the Confederacy, Spanish War Veterans, the Navy League of the United States, and the recently organized Women's Section of the Navy League. The American Defense Society began publishing a magazine in which President Wilson's fight for preparedness was strongly endorsed, and the newly organized Committee on Industrial Relations announced that it was preparing to conduct a vigorous campaign in the interest of national defense.

However, these various leagues, associations and societies were not altogether in harmony with the program suggested by the President or any particular program, and much of the public discussions were for the purpose,

it seemed, of furthering the private ideas of particular individuals or societies. Still no one with any respectable following had made any better beginning toward strengthening our land and sea forces than was set forth in the President's plans. And the public voice, constantly increasing in volume, was urging Congress to act on the President's recommendations.

The members of Congress showed a willingness to pass measures of defense if a common agreement could be reached as to what measures to pass. But the advocates of a much larger army and a much larger navy than the Administration bills provided for seemed to muddle the matter, without in the least strengthening their own position. They talked about compulsory service and universal training, and they fretted and fussed and wasted valuable time discussing measures which could not be put into effect for many years.

The nation was harassed by outrages in Mexico and by violations of rights of neutrals on the high seas, and scarcely a day passed without its special warning of the dangers we were incurring. Yet, strange to say, men of prominence in the nation, who were speaking vociferously against the President's program, joined in the cry for war with Mexico and war with Germany or England if our rights were not guaranteed absolutely, and without delay.

At the beginning of the New Year, however, the issue had become more hopeful, since it was becoming quite

clear that the great fight would not be along strictly party lines, but would be between preparedness enthusiasts and pacifist enthusiasts, whatever the real motives of each might be. Many in both camps were accused of thinking more of political advantage than of national honor, while the large majority of the people were earnest in their deep desire for effective national preparedness.

Since the party in power, however, lacked as a rule "articulate expression of a sufficiently forcible character to stimulate the national legislators to action" the burden of inspiring the public "to an unmistakable utterance of its will in the matter" was placed upon the President. His large personal popularity, together with his eloquence and logic, was employed to induce the people to overcome the apathetic indifference, the unreasonable hostility, and the selfish partisanship exhibited in Congress, in order that the matter of our national defenses might be settled as soon as possible.

The President, therefore, decided to take the issue to the people. More than once in his fight for the New Freedom, did he threaten to take the issue of the moment to the people. But, somehow, Congress acted in time to the satisfaction of the nation. But now there was too much confusion, too many discordant voices, and this was Mr. Wilson's method of clarifying the atmosphere.

CHAPTER XVII

THE PRESIDENT TAKES THE ISSUE TO THE PEOPLE

It was on January 27, 1916, that Mr. Wilson left the White House to tell the people of the East and the West of the confusion in Washington and the pressing need of the hour. The first stop in his itinerary was New York. Everybody who wishes to be heard in America, sooner or later, goes to New York. That city is so vocal, perhaps, because it is so provincial. Anyway, New York was the President's first point of attack, since it was virtually the home of every society that was working for or against the President's program.

There, he made four speeches, to business men who were for preparedness; to ministers of the gospel who were for peace; to motion picture men, who were neutral; and to suffragists, who wanted to hear the President. But neither the fraternity, the occupation, nor the politics of the occasion affected his subject. To each group he gave a part of his great theme with sufficient variations to make it applicable to the occasion. And the next day the people of the far West who were already making preparations for his coming read the first installment of

his continued story and became enthusiastic to hear the concluding chapters.

In

He did not hesitate to tell the people that this nation was in great danger. This was his theme in New York, and he did not depart from it as he journeyed westward. And the corollary to this main theme was patriotism. fact he was seeking always to reach that center in the heart where patriotism abides in order that it too might become vocal.

After his visit to New York, he returned to Washington and made preparations for his western trip. Pittsburgh was his next point. "New circumstances have arisen which make it necessary for America to defend herself" was the way he opened his campaign in Pennsylvania. But he was in the heart of the steel and iron industry where both business and patriotism were in sympathy with his program.

At Cleveland he pictured two-thirds of the world at war and defined America's duty of the hour. "We have interests that are being slowly drawn into the maelstrom of this tremendous upheaval," he said, and Cleveland's reply was for preparedness.

Leaving Ohio, he drove straight to the center of the German-American population. "I know that you depend on me to keep this nation out of war" was his greeting to Milwaukee. Then he discussed the composite character of the American people; he told the German-Americans to love the land of their birth; and he sympathized with