them over the cloud of suspicion that had rested awhile above the fatherland. But when he appealed to them to be American citizens first, Milwaukee's response was one continuous round of applause, and the Mayor of that city remarked, "This is Milwaukee's answer to the world."

Having touched the heart of the foreign-born population in the great Northwest, he returned by way of Chicago. He reminded' the business men of that city that our commerce has been interfered with, that America's dangers "come from her contacts with the rest of the world" and that we are living in a world on fire and "our house is not fireproof." Then, he assured the champions of preparedness that "we mean business." And Chicago was convinced that it is our duty to prepare at once.

His itinerary next led him across the Mississippi and into the great corn states of the West. He asked the citizens of Iowa who came to hear him at Des Moines if there was really much "indifference and lethargy in the Middle West with regard to the defense of the nation." He had been told so. But he said, "I do not believe it, I am going out to see," and he was given an unmistakable and unequivocal response when he asked Iowans, "Do you wish to have all the world say that the flag of the United States which we love can be stained with impunity?"

Still westward he carried his message until he reached the heart of Kansas, where, it was said, the greatest opposition to his program would be found. At Topeka, he

told the farmers of this great stock and grain country that the world needs the wheat of the Kansas fields and "we have a right to supply the rest of the world with the product of these fields." He warned the West of the dangers to our commerce, and he pointed out the difficulties this nation must overcome in keeping the lines of trade open, and Kansas was full of fight, as the President learned when he turned this sentence, "Kansas has made trouble for everybody that interfered with her liberty or her rights, and if I were to pick out one place which was likely to rise first and get hot first about invasion of the essential principles of American liberty, I certainly would look to Kansas among the first places in the country."

At Kansas City, the scene at the close of his address was dramatic. Eighteen thousand people, after listening attentively to the close, made such a demonstration that the President, deeply affected by the uncontrolled emotion, stepped to the front and asked the audience if he might lead in singing "America," and a tremendous chorus, it is said, was raised in behalf of,

My country, 'tis of thee,

Sweet land of liberty,

Of thee I sing.

The President was now moving eastward again, and the last stop in his itinerary was at St. Louis, where he spoke twice-once for military preparedness, and once for industrial preparedness. His story was completed.

He had come out for a purpose; it was accomplished, and he reassured himself that this country is not wanting in patriotism. He had made ten speeches in halls and the same number from the rear platform of the train. He had spoken to approximately 100,000 people and had been welcomed by perhaps five times that number. The large foreign element came out to hear him and became enthusiastic, and the greatest demonstration had been at the farthest points West, where, it had been predicted, he would have the least sympathy.

Such was the President's remarkable campaign for military preparedness. For a week the press of the country kept this one issue before the people, and the psychological effect was very great indeed. The nation was astir, but a better spirit prevailed. The President left the details of the plan to be worked out by Congress, and the vocal part of the nation was in general accord with the outlines. The patriotism of the nation was aroused, and, with a feeling of satisfaction for what had been accomplished and a confidence in what Congress would do under the steady pressure of the demands from the people down home, the President returned to Washington to hasten action and await results.

The effect of the appeal to the people was felt on the continent of Europe, and the nations at war pondered over his words and took warning. England read in his utterances a determination to force the central powers to another plane of international morality; and Germany

interpreted his language to mean that the rights of Americans to trade in Europe must be respected by the

Allies. And both parties to the war understood that America was determined to be prepared for any emergency that might arise.

CHAPTER XVIII

THE NATION FOR MILITARY PREPAREDNESS

The nation had been discussing the issue for over twelve months, and the grand climax to all the arguments and debates was the President's tour of the country. But the time had come now to act. It was generally agreed that our defenses should be greatly strengthened and the efficiency of our military establishment should be increased. But the great question was, how?

The Federal Constitution gave Congress the power to raise and support a standing army. Moreover, it was empowered to provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia and for calling it forth in times of need. However, there has not been a decade since the Constitution was established and since these two resources for the protection and safety of the nation were provided, that this question has not arisen: Shall the safety of our land defenses rest finally upon a standing army, or upon the militia? In every proposed plan for the reorganization of the army or for strengthening our defenses, the debate has revolved around this question. It was debated when the Federal Constitution was adopted. It was argued during the war of 1812. It was